[Current Affairs Show] Jang Sungchul: "The Alpha and Omega for Han Donghoon Is the Badge"

The Blue House Is Behind the Pro-Lee Attacks on Jeong Cheongrae
The People Power Party Is the "No-Answer Party"; Its Tragedy Is Having Too Much Money
Han Donghoon Must Choose the Fastest Path to Winning a Badge

■ Broadcast: The Asia Business Daily 'So Jongsup's Current Affairs Show' (Mon-Fri, 4-5 p.m.)

■ Host: Political specialist So Jongsup ■ Producer: PD Ma Yena

■ Guest: Jang Sungchul, Director of the Public Discourse Center (Feb. 2)

※ When quoting this article, please make sure to cite 'So Jongsup's Current Affairs Show'.

So Jongsup: Hello, everyone. We will go over various issues today with Jang Sungchul, Director of the Public Discourse Center. President Lee Jaemyung's politics on social media: from last Saturday until this morning he posted nine times. Six of those nine posts were about real estate. Why is the president suddenly using social media like this?

Jang Sungchul: I think it is an expression of both confidence and frustration. As for confidence, he speaks in very definite terms. He speaks with the nuance that it is easier to rein in real estate prices than to push the stock index up to 5,000 points. He seems to want to project that kind of confidence. At the same time, there is frustration: "Why can't they properly support me? Why don't they trust what I say?" "I am different from the Moon Jaein administration. I can get real estate under control." When he talked about pushing the stock index to 5,000 points, even his own support base was skeptical, and people on the opposition side said it was nonsense, but he is now saying, "Didn't I pull it off?" Now he is saying, "I'm telling you I will rein in real estate prices, so why don't you trust my words?" I think it is an expression of that frustration.

So Jongsup: Even if you can understand that, there must be both advantages and disadvantages, right?

Jang Sungchul: For example, what happens if he fails to rein in prices? On May 9, for example, among the 165 Democratic Party lawmakers, roughly 25 are multiple-home owners. Are they going to refuse to sell? They should be the first ones to sell so that those in charge of policy and legislation will think, "We should sell too. The president's determination is strong. As lawmakers of the ruling party, we should back him up and implement this." Some of them would think that way and sell. But even if the president speaks that way, some may think, "I'd rather own a home even if I pay more tax." Then lawmakers of the ruling party would not follow the president's real estate policy. Criticism of that will become extremely intense.

People will certainly attack him somewhere, whether it is the opposition or conservative media, saying, "Even the president's aides in the presidential office and ruling party lawmakers are not selling, so will ordinary citizens sell?" How will they respond to that criticism, and how will his aides handle it? That is one problem. Another is, what if housing prices do not come down even after all this? Trust in the president's policies could decline. Despite that burden, he seems to be pushing very hard. Still, he seems to be thinking, "I can do this. So lawmakers of the ruling party and public officials need to back me properly in institutional, policy, and legislative terms. I am really frustrated. Why can't you keep up with me? Why can't you keep up with my thinking?"

So Jongsup: Out of the many possible topics, why is the president so fixated on real estate?

Yonhap News Agency

Jang Sungchul: In the end, the Moon Jaein administration collapsed for two reasons. One was the admissions corruption scandal involving former Justice Minister Cho Kuk and the related ethical and moral issues. The other was real estate policy: they announced more than 20 sets of measures, but in the end we saw the steepest price surge in history. So both homeowners and non-homeowners became very angry. Those factors combined and led to a change of government. So before the local elections, they must have thought they needed to get Seoul housing prices under control to win back the Seoul mayoralty, and that they had to go all-in on the Seoul mayoral race. If that does not work, they must also have thought that the Seoul mayoral election itself could become shaky and dangerous.

So Jongsup: Even so, why is the president choosing social media as a policy tool instead of using the cabinet meeting, the chief secretaries' meeting, or other such venues, and personally "joining the fray" there and firing off posts like that?

Jang Sungchul: I think he wants to show once again how strong his determination is. When he is thinking things over and suddenly gets an idea, he seems to decide, "At this moment I need to express my will strongly." So he seems to want to signal strong determination at each point in time.

So Jongsup: Within the Democratic Party, the so?called pro-Cheong versus anti-Cheong conflict is growing. Today as well, about 40 first-term lawmakers gathered under the group "The First-timers of the Democratic Party" (Deomincho) and reportedly said the merger must be halted.

Jang Sungchul: I think it is meant as a check on leader Jeong Cheongrae. I do not think they fundamentally oppose a merger with the Cho Kuk Innovation Party. Rather, they see it as a gambit that Jeong Cheongrae threw out without consulting Supreme Council members around him or senior party figures, and without asking the opinion of party members, in order to secure his own reappointment at the August party convention. They believe he is using this as an achievement and a stepping stone for extending his party leadership term. In other words, they see a political calculation and a lack of purity in motive. Also, most of those who are currently pushing back are known to be close to President Lee Jaemyung.

So Jongsup: They are known as pro-Lee figures.

Jang Sungchul: I do not think they are criticizing him purely based on their own personal views. They have been attacking him for about two weeks now. What does that mean? It suggests that this reflects the will of the Blue House, that the Blue House is also uncomfortable with this, and that President Lee Jaemyung is not pleased. It suggests they have been exchanging such signals. And if they do not manage to rein in leader Jeong Cheongrae in this situation, the party will rapidly shift into a Jeong Cheongrae-centered system, and they will not be able to prevent his re-election at the August convention. So they are thinking, "We have to start throwing strong brushback pitches now. I will take the lead. I will show my loyalty to President Lee Jaemyung."

So Jongsup: You think the Blue House is effectively behind the opposition to the merger?

Jang Sungchul: That is how we have to see it. The stock index hitting 5,000 points puts the president in a good mood, and the party is supposed to lavish praise, saying, "Mr. President, in less than a year you have already delivered on your policy pledge."

The party should be shining the spotlight on the president, saying, "We will take the lead so the Kosdaq can reach 2,000 and the Kospi 6,000 or 7,000, backing up the president, crafting good policies, and working with the opposition on legislation so that the president's economic pledges are achieved." But just when they were about to do that and lift the president's mood, they moved to push ahead with a merger. That killed the momentum. There also seems to be emotional displeasure about that.

So Jongsup: So the Blue House has developed a strong sense that something is wrong because this has not happened just once but repeatedly?

Jang Sungchul: It looks like this is the fifth time. If it were the first offense, the pro-Lee group would not be attacking this hard. But what are we seeing now? Every time the president has some good news while he is abroad, this is the fifth such incident. People are thinking, "Does this make sense? There is intent behind this." Party members want to frame it as, "Jeong Cheongrae is not performing his duties as party leader for the success of President Lee Jaemyung and the Democratic Party government, but is abusing the position for his own reappointment." We do not actually know whether there is a secret deal or not. But they are constructing that frame: "If Jeong Cheongrae becomes party leader again, the Lee Jaemyung administration will face even more difficulties, coordination between the party and the Blue House will break down in many ways, and President Lee Jaemyung will not be able to succeed." They want to drive things in that direction.

So Jongsup: Isn't the conflict between the pro-Lee and pro-Cheong factions now coming out into the open?

Jang Sungchul: I use the expression "Chungjeongno president," and I think Kim Eo-jun is now jumping into the fray in a big way. One of the conspiracy theories is that Jeong Cheongrae is nothing more than Kim Eo-jun's puppet. For example, some say this whole plan is the first step in a program by Kim Eo-jun to make party leader Cho Kuk president in 2030, with party control in Jeong Cheongrae's hands and presidential power in Cho Kuk's hands, and that this is all about putting Kim Eo-jun's ideas and calculations into practice. Because of that, someone like Prime Minister Kim Minseok might be thinking, "I plan to run for party leader at the August convention, but Kim Eo-jun keeps putting my name into polls for Seoul mayor. He is trying to push me out of the party leader race." So he thinks, "We cannot just leave this alone." As a result, the pro-Lee group has no choice but to strengthen its internal cohesion even further. They are thinking, "This will not do. We absolutely have to crush Jeong Cheongrae and first take back control of the party," and that sense of urgency is being summed up in the word "secret deal."

So Jongsup: Do you think the merger will be completed before the local elections?

Jang Sungchul: I think it will. Because they have their all-purpose weapon: a vote by party members. Saying they will hold a vote of party members to approve the merger means they intend to push it through.

So Jongsup: Is there any chance that Jeong Cheongrae's plan will run aground?

Jeong Cheongrae, leader of the Democratic Party of Korea, is talking with Lee Eonju, Supreme Council member, at the opening ceremony of the 432nd National Assembly (special session) held at the National Assembly on Feb. 2, 2026. Photo by Kim Hyunmin

Jang Sungchul: It seems that the majority is either staying quiet or wants the merger. A few lawmakers are organizing to voice opposition, but two-thirds of the 165 lawmakers are either staying silent or voicing support. In the Honam region, support for the merger is relatively strong. So we have to see Jeong Cheongrae as holding the initiative for now.

So Jongsup: Let us talk about the People Power Party.

Jang Sungchul: There is no answer. That is why I said they should change their name to "The No-Answer Party." I think it would be more accurate for them to say, "Today our No-Answer Party appointed the Yoon-again faction to party posts." There is no hope. I would say they are obsessed with maintaining control of the party. They will do anything. They expel opponents, and they appoint members of the Yoon-again faction and people who worked in former President Yoon Sukyeol's presidential office to all the key party posts. They made Jo Junghoon, head of the Mapo-gap district committee, the head of the talent recruitment committee. Jo Junghoon is a representative anti-Han figure.

They are kicking and throwing away even people on their own side, and then they put someone who dislikes former leader Han Donghoon in charge of recruiting talent. How can talent recruitment function properly under those circumstances? From my perspective, I would say, "Jeon Hangil, please come back quickly. Do not stay in the United States. Right now it is too hard for Go Seongguk alone to wage a media campaign. It is not as if you are going to end up in prison, so come back quickly and lend us your strength." That is the kind of thing they seem to be doing.

So Jongsup: Is the outcome of the local elections a foregone conclusion?

Jang Sungchul: Elections ultimately come down to which side the moderates support. The party leadership is very pleased with itself. They are thinking, "We kicked out Han Donghoon, we are uniting among ourselves, and our approval ratings are going up. See?" That is a foolish way of thinking. They believe that because turnout will be low, they can win simply by mobilizing their base. It is frustrating. It is foolish. You cannot have a logical discussion with people who believe that. The real tragedy is that the party has too much money.

So Jongsup: They are not hungry?

Jang Sungchul: As long as they hold on to the Daegu-Gyeongbuk region, they can maintain control of the party, keep their National Assembly seats, and not lose their vested interests and their leadership position. There is no impact on them. That is why they keep thinking the way they do. It is frustrating.

Yonhap News Agency

So Jongsup: Today, Seoul Mayor Oh Sehoon again said, "Jang Donghyuk must step down. Otherwise we cannot fight the local elections; it will be hard to win." Mayor Oh Sehoon also seems extremely frustrated and to feel a sense of crisis.

Jang Sungchul: Of course he feels a sense of crisis. He seems to be questioning whether he can win the election even if he becomes the candidate, and to be having doubts about the general election itself. There are speculations, projections, and reports that leader Jang Donghyuk is trying to merge with Our Republican Party led by party leader Cho Wonjin in the name of a grand conservative unity. There is talk that former leader Hwang Kyoahn will be given the nomination for Pyeongtaek, and that if a vacancy arises in the Daegu mayoral race, party leader Cho Wonjin will be given the nomination there.

So Jongsup: What about talk of an electoral alliance between the Reform New Party and parts of the People Power Party? Has that effectively fallen through?

Jang Sungchul: That is how it looks. Basically, party leader Lee Junseok visited Jang Donghyuk while he was on hunger strike to console him, and they even talked about staging a joint hunger strike over the dual special counsel bills. But when former President Park Geunhye suddenly appeared on the scene, Lee Junseok was flabbergasted. He became party leader by giving an inspiring speech about crossing the river of Park Geunhye's impeachment. But now the person he was trying to build a policy alliance with, Jang Donghyuk, is trying to lead the party with Yoon Sukyeol on his right and Park Geunhye on his left, arms linked. Then how can Lee join hands with such people for an electoral alliance or policy coordination? He has been demanding for about a week that they explain why Park Geunhye came to the hunger strike site, but neither leader Jang Donghyuk nor the People Power Party has been able to provide any explanation. It seems they briefly considered "dating" and then decided, "No, this is not a good fit," and stopped.

So Jongsup: Former leader Han Donghoon is holding a talk concert on February 8. How do you see that?

Jang Sungchul: It is a show of strength. But he has no other choice. There is no other way. Within the institutional political framework, his political status and influence are now hard to demonstrate in reality because he was expelled. So what can he do? The only thing is to appeal to ordinary citizens and his support base, saying, "I am still here. Do not abandon me. Please help me," and to rally his supporters. Among current politicians, the only person who can voluntarily mobilize that many people is Han Donghoon. That is a very positive sign. Last Saturday as well, according to his side, about 100,000 people gathered, and according to police estimates about 7,000, but in any case a very large crowd turned out. He will want to maintain that solid base. He is doing that well, but that is, in a word, a side dish.

So Jongsup: Not the main dish?

On Jan. 29, after the People Power Party confirmed the expulsion of its former leader Han Donghoon, Han Donghoon left the National Assembly press office after delivering his statement. 2026.1.29 Photo by Kim Hyunmin

Jang Sungchul: The main dish and the soup are missing. What are those? Ultimately, more badges, a solid regional base of his own, and, more importantly, a lawmaker's badge of his own. He does not currently have that. He needs to use this cohesion of his support base as a means to obtain that. If he simply goes there, feels proud, and gets intoxicated with the thought, "I am so popular, it is all about me, Han Donghoon," then nothing will come of it. The whole thing could suddenly fizzle out. If he fails to win a badge in June this year, fails again in the April 2027 by-elections, and then, after waiting until 2028, fails to get a nomination and loses after running, the whole thing could evaporate. Because he has not taken an action with a strong sense of principle like the late President Roh Moo-hyun did. This is not about breaking down regionalism, overcoming regional antagonism, promoting balanced regional development, or running in a hostile constituency.

So Jongsup: He has been touting his role in blocking the motion to lift martial law, but that alone is not enough, is it?

Jang Sungchul: That was truly a courageous decision as leader of the ruling party and a great story, but it is not enough by itself. He needs to present a value system, philosophy, and big discourse about his political future. But for the past few months, all that has remained is, "They are punishing me over the party members' online bulletin board issue. This is collective punishment. These bad guys." That is all. He has not conveyed the feeling of being a big politician. So he needs to use this fandom base as a foundation to leap into being a bigger politician, and he must not become intoxicated with it. I hope he listens to different views.

So Jongsup: What is the key to former leader Han's future path?

Jang Sungchul: The alpha and omega is the badge. If a politician does not have a badge, he is not treated as a real player. The influence of his political messages and actions drops to one-tenth. There is essentially nothing he can do. At most, he can appear on a few TV shows and give interviews. Think about what it would be like if leader Lee Junseok, who currently does not have a badge, sends out some message. How much impact will that have? If you think about that, you will see that getting a badge must be the top priority. Only then can he attract people, and only then can he build a regional base.

And more importantly, former leader Han Donghoon is not someone who intends to stop after serving as party leader one more time or winning a badge once more. He is someone who dreams of the presidency. If he wins a badge, he will be able to debate a range of policy issues with experts and engage in legislation. So above all, he should choose the path that gives him the highest chance of winning a badge as quickly as possible.

Imagine that he runs as an independent in a three-way race and wins there. His political stature will change dramatically. If he runs in Daegu and wins a badge, then since Daegu is the stronghold of the People Power Party and the conservative right, he will have created a crucial momentum for building a regional base in Daegu and North Gyeongsang Province.

※Click to view the full content.

Jang Sungchul: But aides tend to start by listing the negative factors. They ask whether he can really win as an independent, and then they lay out all the reasons why it will not work. If you think that way, you should not be a leader. There is no end to it. The role of a leader is to overcome negative public opinion and turn an unfavorable situation into a victory. When Lee Junseok first ran in Dongtan, everyone said he would lose. But he overcame that. As a result, he even ran for president. Although he now leads a small party with only three seats, his messages carry considerable weight.

So Jongsup: We have gone over a range of current issues with Jang Sungchul, Director of the Public Discourse Center. Director Jang, thank you. Thank you for your time.

Jang Sungchul: Thank you.