Park Wonseok: "Jeon Hangil Is Far More Dangerous Than Lee Seokki" [Current Affairs Show]

"Jeong Cheongrae likely to push merger through, to pass before local elections"
"If it falls through, the Cho Kuk Innovation Party will be hit the hardest"
"President Lee's real estate posts on social media are a sure-win strategy for the Seoul mayoral race"
"Appointing Im Sunsook as audit commissioner is highly inappropriate"

■ Broadcast: The Asia Business Daily's "So Jongsup's Current Affairs Show" (Mon-Fri, 4-5 p.m.)

■ Host: Political Specialist So Jongsup ■ Director: PD Park Sumin

■ Guest: Former National Assembly Member Park Wonseok (February 4)

※ When quoting this article, please make sure to clearly cite "So Jongsup's Current Affairs Show."

So Jongsup: Hello, everyone. This is So Jongsup's Current Affairs Show. Today, together with former lawmaker Park Wonseok, we will go over a number of issues.

Park Wonseok: Yes, hello.

So Jongsup: How did you hear today’s speech by People Power Party leader Jang Donghyuk as the representative of the negotiation bloc? What was your impression?

Park Wonseok: What stood out was the strong criticism of President Lee Jaemyung’s administration and its policies; that was the most striking part. And he himself foreshadowed things like change and reform, and in that context he talked about a vision related to labor and young people. But to be frank, that did not really resonate, so it did not receive much attention. Rather, I think the main intent and substance of today’s speech was the section in the first half where he methodically criticized the Lee Jaemyung administration’s foreign and security policy, its economic policy, its prosecution reform, and its real estate policy. Even though leader Jang Donghyuk went as far as going on a hunger strike, and even though he succeeded in having former leader Han Donghoon expelled from the party, has he really changed the mood within the party? From that perspective, I think they are still just treading water.

There were many incidents during the process of expelling former leader Han Donghoon. Because the first button was fastened wrong, it feels like they have been unable to straighten things out to the very end. Leader Jang Donghyuk said that he would get to the bottom of it through an investigation and take responsibility for the outcome. But even if you think about it for just a moment, do you think that investigation will go well? From the police’s point of view, what would they gain by digging into this, so why would they be eager to investigate? It is just an in-house fight that occurred inside a political party, and because they cannot resolve it among themselves, they are dumping it on the investigative authorities. So there is no real motivation for an active investigation, and if the party heads into the local elections in this state of being torn into pieces, the result could be even more disastrous than in 2018.

Former lawmaker Park Wonseok appeared on The Asia Business Daily's "So Jongsup's Current Affairs Show" on February 4.

So Jongsup: You are saying they will lose everywhere except Daegu and North Gyeongsang Province?

Park Wonseok: I found it very striking that Seoul Mayor Oh Sehoon has shifted to a hard-line stance. In fact, until now Mayor Oh’s position had been to urge both sides to find an amicable political solution. When leader Jang Donghyuk talked about reform at the beginning of the year, Mayor Oh even expressed a welcoming stance. His reasons for such a rapid change probably include disappointment that Jang went that far, but also the fact that the Seoul mayoral race is not easy. Since late last year, not only the Democratic Party but really the government as a whole has been relentlessly attacking the Seoul Metropolitan Government and Mayor Oh. On top of that, they have been boosting Seongdong District Mayor Jeong Wonoh, and all of this has combined to make recent opinion polls very tough for him. Right now, party approval ratings differ depending on the poll, but if you look at Gallup Korea or NBS, they are almost cut in half. In that situation, no matter what kind of personal political skills Mayor Oh may have, it will not work. Sensing the crisis, I think he has concluded that it is better to fight this Seoul mayoral election under the personal banner of “Oh Sehoon” than under the party name, because the party label is of little help. Based on what leader Jang Donghyuk has been saying so far, I do not see any plan to mend the situation. So in the end, I do not think the internal strife and conflict within the party will be resolved.

So Jongsup: Isn’t it possible that calls for a new leadership structure to replace the Jang Donghyuk system itself will grow louder?

Park Wonseok: The embers of that possibility are smoldering, but for it to surface, lawmakers have to move. Most of the lawmakers are from the Yeongnam region, and since this is not their own election, they seem to be taking a wait-and-see attitude for now. If this were happening just before a general election, do you think lawmakers would sit still? In the past, when conservative parties saw the pro-Lee Myungbak and pro-Park Geunhye factions fighting over internal hegemony, even then, when they lost, they would step back and help cleanly; and when they won, they would embrace the others. There was that kind of political flavor. But now that does not exist. It is more like, “I just need to save myself first.” Because of that, I think the internal culture of conservative parties has seriously regressed.

So Jongsup: Do you see any chance for a turnaround in this situation?

Jang Donghyuk, leader of the People Power Party, is speaking at a Supreme Council meeting held at the National Assembly on the 5th. Photo by Kim Hyunmin

Park Wonseok: As long as the Jang Donghyuk leadership remains in place, there is no such chance. But is there any real possibility of replacing the Jang Donghyuk leadership? Even if people share the sense of crisis, I do not think there will be actions strong enough to actually replace it. So I think they will just continue on like this.

So Jongsup: Figures like Goh Seongguk and Jeon Hangil, the YouTubers surrounding leader Jang Donghyuk from outside the party, also seem to wield considerable influence.

Park Wonseok: Isn’t that the result of leader Jang Donghyuk’s own actions? In the last party convention, he ultimately took their hand and became party leader. Jeon Hangil has been openly saying, “We are the ones who made you.” And he says that if the direction Jang takes differs from what they want, they will cut ties. That was practically his first message upon returning to Korea. Yet on issues like martial law and insurrection and impeachment, he has made comments and shown a perception that are far removed from what the vast majority of citizens think. He took the hand of the “Yoon Again” faction and became party leader at the last convention, and even now he has not clearly declared a break with former President Yoon Sukyeol. In politics, no matter what you claim, what really matters is how those watching you perceive it. And in terms of that perception, leader Jang is seen as one and the same with the Yoon Again faction. Can he really cut ties with them? I think he cannot; I see it as virtually impossible.

So Jongsup: Jeon Hangil has reportedly faced around eight criminal complaints, and the police have summoned him for questioning on the 12th. Do you think his moves could become a variable?

Park Wonseok: If I were to define Jeon Hangil, I would simply call him a YouTube businessman, a business operator. I think a large part of his motivation is commercial, although of course there are political motives as well. On top of that, there is probably his personal desire for fame. He is currently facing charges of inciting insurrection. If those charges are recognized, I do not see how he can avoid being detained. And frankly, on a personal level, I think he should be detained. For someone like that... In the past, former lawmaker Lee Seokki of the Unified Progressive Party served more than nine years in prison on charges of inciting insurrection. If you look objectively at what Lee Seokki did, it was essentially gathering his own organization members together and putting forward claims that were, in many ways, out of touch with common sense. For that, he went to prison for nine years. So if you compare the level of danger, who is more dangerous: Lee Seokki or Jeon Hangil? I think Jeon Hangil is far more dangerous.

The reason is that Lee Seokki was simply engaging in a kind of conspiratorial talk within a small circle that shared his very anachronistic thinking, and the main reason his danger was highlighted was that he was a sitting lawmaker. But if you look at the actual risk posed by the acts themselves, in terms of their potential consequences, someone who directly incites and agitates the general public like that, and who has the kind of latent risk that someone like Jeon Kwanghoon displayed when he helped spark riot-like incidents at the Seoul Western District Court, is clearly more dangerous. So I think that during the investigation, the law will be applied to him very strictly.

So Jongsup: So you think he will be detained.

Park Wonseok: That is how I see it. But regardless of that, the People Power Party needs to cut ties with people like Jeon Hangil. What on earth do they have to gain by clinging to him? If they allow themselves to be dragged around by someone who says, “If you don’t listen to me, I will cut ties with you,” and makes such arrogant remarks, can they really be considered a party that is fit to govern? It is absurd.

So Jongsup: Another figure drawing attention outside the People Power Party these days is former Daegu Mayor Hong Joonpyo, who has declared his retirement from politics. He has been posting a lot on social media recently. He has been directly and harshly criticizing Mayor Oh Sehoon.

Park Wonseok: First of all, he must be bored. He has a lot of time on his hands, and he clearly still has a strong attachment to politics. He is not commenting from the perspective of a political commentator. I think he has the intention of making a comeback, though I do not know whether it will go well. It seems to me he is trying to form a somewhat friendly relationship with the current holders of power within the party. But because he is a past leader, even though he is making such a strong effort to promote himself, I do not see much public response. At this rate, he might suddenly announce that he will run if a by-election or re-election is called.

So Jongsup: Within the Democratic Party, various moves seem to be unfolding around the question of a merger with the Cho Kuk Innovation Party.

Park Wonseok: Until last week, lawmakers were criticizing leader Jeong Cheongrae’s sudden proposal mainly in terms of its timing, method, and procedure. In principle, they all said they agreed with it. But now they have shifted to a position of opposing it on principle. They have begun to question and attack leader Jeong’s political intentions and the very substance of his proposal. They have begun to openly call for the process to be halted. The conflict is intensifying, and I think we are seeing the beginnings of an organized opposition. On the other hand, the forces that want to push this through also seem to be organizing. It appears to be developing into a power struggle. Although leader Jeong Cheongrae is facing a lot of criticism, if you look at his messages at the Supreme Council meetings yesterday and today, he has made it clear that, despite the controversy and opposition, he will push ahead and put the matter to a vote by all party members. If it goes to a vote of all party members, there will be intense debate for and against, but I think there is a high possibility that it will pass.

Prime Minister Kim Minseok (first from left) is talking with Jeong Cheongrae, leader of the Democratic Party (second from left), Cho Kuk, leader of the Cho Kuk Innovation Party (second from right), and Yoo Simin, writer (first from right), at the funeral altar for Lee Haechan, Senior Vice Chairman of the Democratic Peaceful Unification Advisory Council, set up at the funeral hall of Seoul National University Hospital in Jongno-gu, Seoul on January 27. Photo by Joint Press Corps

Park Wonseok: Even the prime minister has now joined the fray. When I saw that, I thought, “This situation is getting pretty serious.” The party convention is still six months away. Yet the sitting prime minister has publicly declared that becoming party leader is his dream. That is essentially a declaration that he will run. His role of overseeing state affairs as prime minister has been pushed to the back seat. He has now been firmly positioned as a preliminary candidate for the party convention. So the party convention has effectively been ignited early, and this is not a desirable situation for the president.

Leader Jeong also has no way to back down from this now. If he backs down here, he will lose his leadership. Then it will be difficult for him to exercise leadership as party leader all the way up to the next party convention, and the next convention itself will become more difficult for him. I think he will push ahead. There is relatively less talk these days about the Cho Kuk Innovation Party, but from that party’s perspective, this is also a major turning point. The Cho Kuk Innovation Party has, in effect, already accepted the merger. If things fall apart now, who will suffer the most damage? The Cho Kuk Innovation Party and its leader Cho Kuk will suffer the most. It is already difficult enough for them to contest the local elections, and if this happens, the local elections will become even harder and the party’s strength will be further weakened. So from the Cho Kuk Innovation Party’s perspective, this merger absolutely has to go through. If it does not, it will just look like they are being absorbed and dragged in, and in the end it will only look like what really matters is Cho Kuk’s return to institutional politics and his lawmakers finding constituencies, nothing more.

So Jongsup: It seems that leader Jeong Cheongrae is trying to break through the merger issue by putting it to a vote of all party members, but there is also strong opposition to this approach.

Park Wonseok: A vote of all party members is not without justification. Under the party constitution and bylaws, matters such as party mergers and the founding of a new party are to be decided by a vote of all party members. That is how it is stipulated. So there is a rationale. Moreover, the one-person-one-vote system has been introduced, and can the Democratic Party really go against its own direction of “party member sovereignty”? Some argue that pushing ahead with a vote of all party members is less about resolving the controversy than about trying to legitimize the process, and that criticism is not entirely groundless or wrong, but it does not seem to carry much weight. In addition, if you look at the distribution of opinions among party members, I think those in favor of unification outnumber those opposed by at least 6 to 4. From leader Jeong Cheongrae’s perspective, if he goes to the party membership and seeks their opinion, and given that there is a rationale for doing so, it is advantageous. Also, people like broadcaster Kim Eo-jun and writer Yoo Simin have begun political maneuvers outside the party. Among highly engaged party members, the debate for and against will be fierce, but I think the overall trend will be in favor of going ahead.

So Jongsup: Do you think the merger will be completed before the local elections?

Park Wonseok: After the local elections, it will not mean much from leader Jeong Cheongrae’s perspective. Before the local elections, it can still influence the party convention. Leader Jeong says he is not doing this because he is eyeing the party convention, but what politician would not keep that in mind? And if about 100,000 new members come in, there is no guarantee that they will all support Jeong Cheongrae, but relatively speaking, he will be in a more advantageous position, will he not? That is how it is being assessed. But after the local elections, it will be meaningless. After the local elections, it would be more like absorption than unification, and the Cho Kuk Innovation Party would lose much of its ability to maintain an independent banner. So from the Cho Kuk Innovation Party’s standpoint, they absolutely have to do it before the local elections. The idea of waiting until after the local elections is basically the argument of those who oppose the merger and want to slow things down. For those who want to push it through, there is little practical benefit in waiting. I think they will wage an all-out battle throughout the month of February.

So Jongsup: The president has been posting on social media very frequently these days.

Park Wonseok: Until this morning, I had evaluated the president’s recent comments on real estate prices and real estate speculation as the expression of a strong will, after having watched the situation for some time, that he could no longer leave the seriousness of the problem unattended, and as an attempt to send a signal to the market. But on second thought, I began to wonder whether, with the local elections in mind, the president is not trying to craft a political frame.

So Jongsup: A political frame? What do you mean?

President Lee Jaemyung has been actively posting his thoughts on social media. Yonhap News

Park Wonseok: In the end, real estate is an issue that inevitably draws the attention of the entire nation. There have been many elections where the real estate issue has shaken up the race. On the one hand, you have multi-home speculators and forces that call for deregulation in the name of the market. On the other hand, you have the vast majority of citizens, many of whom still do not own a home and who have nothing to do with speculation, with owning multiple homes or with the so-called “smart single home” strategy. I think the president may be trying to draw a line between these two sides and create an election-oriented or political frame. Because for the president to repeat the same content this many times... Of course, it is also an expression of policy determination, and his will is clear enough by now. But I get the sense that this goes beyond that. I think it is somewhat excessive. The People Power Party is actually trying to rein him in.

If you draw the battle lines between a small minority that defends speculation and rising home prices, and the president and those who agree with him, who argue that the real estate bubble is ruining the country and that the abnormal concentration of money in real estate must be redirected to other areas for the sake of the national economy and growth potential, can the forces defending speculation and high home prices really win? I do not think they can. So I wonder if the president is not using policy as material to construct a strong local election frame. If so, this is an enormous strategy. And right now, the People Power Party is getting caught up in that strategy. All three factors have lined up: the KOSPI is doing well, the president’s approval ratings are high, and the opposition is weak and listless. It is an expression of confidence. So if the president is indeed crafting a political frame for the local elections, I think it is a brilliant move. I see it as a sure-win strategy for the Seoul race, a move he has thrown out as a sure-win strategy for the Seoul mayoral election.

So Jongsup: As President Lee Jaemyung continues to post on social media about real estate and multi-home owners, attention is also turning to the multi-home aides in the presidential office. There have been reports that some aides have put their homes up for sale...

Park Wonseok: It is good that they have put them up for sale. When the president is talking about the multi-home issue day after day like this, it is not desirable for them to keep holding on to those properties. Because for multi-home owners, when they are making decisions about whether to sell in the context of the heavy capital gains tax, I do not think the decisive factor is taxes. I think the key question is whether they can expect further price increases. They may also be thinking, “Won’t policies change again?” and trying to hold out. That kind of thinking is what created the myth that real estate prices never fall. If people close to the president do not sell and instead keep their properties, there is a risk that people will interpret it as a sign that housing prices will rise. Even if that is not their intention, such talk can easily arise. In any case, if the government wants its policies to be seen as credible and persuasive, those close to the president need to resolve such issues.

So Jongsup: The Board of Audit and Inspection’s chairman has recommended lawyer Im Sunsook as an audit commissioner. She served as chief of staff to First Lady Kim Hye-kyung during the last presidential campaign, and her husband is Democratic Party lawmaker Jeong Jinwook. The People Power Party has criticized this move, recalling the Democratic Party’s past criticisms in similar cases. How do you see this?

Park Wonseok: I think this is very bad. Regardless of whether she has expertise and is qualified, someone who served as chief of staff to a presidential candidate during the last election and as an appointed Supreme Council member of the party is clearly a factional political figure. But the lifeblood of the Board of Audit and Inspection is its independence. Of course, some might argue that people who have held party membership or who are close to the president should not be barred from serving under any circumstances. But this case is somewhat special. In addition, she is the wife of a Democratic Party lawmaker. Is she really the only person with that level of expertise? I do not think so. If they want to take care of her, they should give her a different position, one that would not provoke this kind of controversy. That would be the right approach. This is not good. If controversies like this pile up, people will eventually say, “Both the previous administration and this one are the same.” That is how it will be seen, is it not? I was surprised when I saw this news. The party should at least try to stop it.

I wonder if they have fallen into a kind of internal groupthink. From their own perspective, they may not see any problem. They may think, “There is no big issue here; this much should be fine.” But no matter how capable someone is, there are positions they should avoid. There are taboos, and in this case there is far too much potential for controversy. She is the wife of a sitting lawmaker, she served as chief of staff to the president’s spouse during the last general and presidential elections, and she was an appointed Supreme Council member of the Democratic Party. That makes her clearly a factional political figure. Can someone like that, whose core role would be to maintain independence, really serve as an audit commissioner at the Board of Audit and Inspection and carry out the task of overseeing the government? In principle, it is a conflict, and it will generate a lot of criticism. There is no need to push through such a controversial appointment. They should find another position for her; there may even be a better one. I think the Board of Audit and Inspection should appoint someone who does not carry this kind of baggage.

So Jongsup: Thank you, Assemblyman Park, for your insightful comments.

Park Wonseok: Thank you.

This content was produced with the assistance of AI translation services.