People Power Party Fails to Restore Public Trust
Democratic Party Faces Risks Under Lee Jaemyung's Leadership
Integrative Leadership Beyond Factional Lines Is the Key
The presidential election on June 3 is only about a month and a half away. During the 2017 election, the term "by-election" was frequently used. Nowadays, the concept of an early presidential election has become familiar. The early election concept has become normalized as the judicial risks of former leader Lee Jae-myung and the impeachment of the president have drawn attention as a race against time. The National Election Commission specifies it as the 21st presidential election. Unlike other by-elections where the winner only serves the remaining term of the predecessor, the winner of the presidential by-election starts a new 5-year term. In any case, former President Yoon Seok-yeol was impeached, and a new president will be elected. The leadership change should serve as a turning point to overcome extreme factional politics and promote political innovation.
The behavior and remarks of former President Yoon, who brought about his own impeachment through absurd emergency martial law, make us even more ashamed. Reports of his statements to residents and supporters as he returned to his private residence?such as "I won everything, so don't worry" or "Whether it's 5 years or 3 years, I was president"?are truly baffling. Although he has already lost political power, it seems he is more immersed in the welcome of a small group of hardline supporters rather than reflecting on his actions.
The presidential candidates of the People Power Party emphasize conservative regrouping, protection of liberal democracy, and blocking Lee Jae-myung’s administration as their justification. However, at least for now, it is not the time to call for the survival or regrouping of the conservative party. Reflection and responsibility are necessary. Political parties are means for good governance. If they have regressed South Korean politics and greatly disappointed the people, they must be reborn through fundamental introspection or relinquish the privileges of the political cartel.
It is difficult to win an election solely by advocating conservative regrouping. Even during the impeachment crisis, when conservative forces were at their peak unity, they remained a relative minority. Protecting liberal democracy is an important cause. However, the appeal of this cause depends on whether the group claiming to protect liberal democracy has the trust of the people. If a distrusted group claims it, it can instead become a subject of ridicule.
The People Power Party may pursue party innovation through the presidential primary. There is some merit to the view that due to the limitations of the impeachment party, alliances with third-zone candidates are inevitable. The so-called big tent theory, under banners such as anti-Lee (Banmyeong) coalition and constitutional amendment coalition, is also mentioned. This aligns with the purpose of overcoming the existing two major factional politics. As always, skepticism remains about the success potential of the third zone, and it has yet to materialize into a political force with competitiveness. It will be interesting to see how much role it can play as leadership in Korean politics during the presidential election season.
As a result, the current situation is dominated by former Democratic Party leader Lee Jae-myung. Although the Democratic Party is still at the stage of a three-candidate primary, it is effectively organizing around candidate Lee Jae-myung. He leads in approval ratings but also faces strong criticism and opposition. This is the background of the anti-Lee coalition. While partly arising from efforts to check the frontrunner, concerns about his judicial risks as a criminal defendant and his leadership are included. He is a unique type of politician who, even after confirming political retaliation through the YouTube show "Maebul Show," can unhesitatingly deny ever retaliating in his life. Above all, if former leader Lee’s way of running the Democratic Party spreads to national leadership, there is serious concern about the totalitarianization of governance.
The challenge for Korean politics after impeachment is to overcome extreme factionalism and establish integrative leadership. Currently, the presidential election season does not inspire expectations for such political innovation. In the remaining month and a half, we can only hope and strive for voter interest and the political landscape to flow in a direction that leads to political innovation.
Kim Man-heum, former Director of the National Assembly Research Service
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