[Full Text] Yoon: "Opposition Party Dances Frenzied Blade Claiming Martial Law Is Treason... Will Stand Firmly"

Yoon Breaks Silence After Five Days with National Address
Explains Justification for Martial Law Declaration and Criticizes Opposition Party

President Yoon Suk-yeol is delivering a national address at the Yongsan Presidential Office on the 12th. Photo by Yonhap News

President Yoon Suk-yeol stated in a national address on the 12th, "The opposition party is wildly dancing the knife dance, claiming that the declaration of martial law constitutes the crime of rebellion," and added, "Whether they impeach me or investigate me, I will face it with confidence."

He maintained the position that the declaration of martial law on the 3rd was due to the opposition party's violent actions, while also rejecting calls from some within the ruling party for an early resignation.

President Yoon said, "Since taking office, I have never once been concerned with personal popularity, the presidential term, or retaining my position," and added, "If I had only cared about keeping my position, I would not have had to confront the forces disrupting the national order, nor would I have declared martial law as I did this time."

He particularly stated, "What else could be the reason the major opposition party is rushing impeachment with false agitation? It is simply because the guilty verdict for the opposition party leader is imminent, and they want to avoid it through the president's impeachment and hold an early presidential election."

Below is the full text of President Yoon's 'Message to the People'

Dear respected citizens,

Today,

I stand here

to clarify my position on martial law.

The opposition party is now

claiming that the declaration of martial law

amounts to the crime of rebellion,

and is wildly dancing the knife dance.

Is that really so?

Who is it that is

paralyzing the government and disrupting the national order

here in the Republic of Korea?

For the past two and a half years, the major opposition party

has refused to acknowledge the president elected by the people

and has not ceased their calls for resignation and impeachment.

They have not accepted the election results.

Since the election, there have been

as many as 178 rallies demanding the president's resignation

and impeachment, starting from the early days of the term.

To paralyze the president's governance,

since the inauguration of our government until now,

they have pushed for the impeachment of dozens of government officials.

Even officials who were impeached without any wrongdoing

had their duties suspended for extended periods

from indictment to verdict.

Before impeachment was even proposed and indicted,

many officials resigned voluntarily.

They have paralyzed governance through rampant impeachment.

They have impeached ministers, the chairman of the Korea Communications Commission,

the head of the Board of Audit and Inspection who investigated their misconduct,

and prosecutors,

and have even intimidated judges.

This is a shield impeachment to cover up their own misconduct,

completely destroying public service discipline and legal order.

Moreover, they have proposed unconstitutional special investigation bills

27 times,

launching political agitation and offensives.

They are even pushing through self-shielding legislation

that grants criminals immunity.

The National Assembly controlled by the major opposition party

has become a monster that destroys the foundation of liberal democracy,

not its basis.

Isn't this government paralysis and a national crisis?

But that's not all.

The major opposition party is now threatening national security

and social safety as well.

For example, in June, three Chinese nationals were caught

flying drones and filming a U.S. aircraft carrier docked in Busan.

Photos taken over at least two years of South Korea's military facilities

were found on their smartphones and laptops.

Last month, a Chinese man in his 40s was caught filming the National Intelligence Service with a drone.

He went straight to the NIS upon entering Korea and committed this act.

However, current laws do not allow espionage charges

to be applied to foreign spies.

We tried to amend the espionage provisions in the Criminal Act to prevent this,

but the major opposition party has strongly blocked it.

Not only did they strip the NIS of its counterintelligence investigation authority during the previous administration,

but they are also attempting to abolish the National Security Act.

Are they telling us not to catch spies threatening national security?

Despite North Korea's illegal nuclear armament and missile provocations,

GPS jamming and balloon attacks,

and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions espionage case,

the major opposition party not only sympathizes with these but

even sides with North Korea,

only criticizing the government struggling to respond.

They argue that UN sanctions on North Korea due to illegal nuclear development should be lifted first.

What kind of political party is this, and what kind of National Assembly is this?

They cut the prosecution and police's special activity and special expenses budget for next year to zero.

This budget is essential for investigating financial fraud, crimes against vulnerable groups, drug investigations,

and counterintelligence investigations.

They also drastically cut budgets for drug and deepfake crime responses.

They are obstructing investigations not only into themselves but also into drug crimes and organized crime,

which affect the livelihood of the people.

Are they trying to turn South Korea into a spy haven, a drug den,

and a gangster country?

Are these people not anti-state forces trying to ruin the country?

Yet, they increased the National Assembly budget to maintain their privileges.

The economy is also in a crisis and emergency situation.

The major opposition party is trying to extinguish South Korea's growth engines.

You can see this clearly in the budget cuts they made for next year.

They cut the budget supporting the nuclear power ecosystem,

and slashed the budget for supporting Czech nuclear power exports by 90%.

They almost entirely cut the budget related to next-generation nuclear power development.

They drastically cut budgets for future growth engines such as basic science research, quantum technology, semiconductors, and biotechnology.

They practically eliminated the budget for drilling the East Sea gas field,

the so-called Great Whale project.

They also cut youth job support projects,

asset formation support for vulnerable children,

and even child care allowances.

They cut budgets for innovation growth funds and fostering small and medium enterprises to build an industrial ecosystem.

They slashed disaster contingency reserves by as much as 1 trillion won,

and cut vaccine development and related R&D budgets for pandemic preparedness.

As such, South Korea is currently

paralyzed by the major opposition party's parliamentary dictatorship and violence,

with social order disrupted,

making normal administration and judicial functions impossible.

Dear citizens,

You are probably well aware of this much.

However, before I made the grave decision to declare martial law,

there were many more serious matters I could not reveal directly until now.

In the latter half of last year, there were hacking attacks by North Korea

on constitutional institutions including the National Election Commission and government agencies.

The National Intelligence Service discovered this and

attempted to inspect for information leaks and system security.

All other agencies agreed to the NIS inspection under their supervision,

and the system inspection proceeded.

However, the National Election Commission, citing its status as a constitutional institution,

strongly refused.

When a large-scale recruitment fraud scandal broke out at the NEC and it came under audit and investigation,

they backed down and agreed to the NIS inspection.

But they only allowed inspection of a very small part of the entire system equipment,

refusing the rest.

Even though only a small part of the system equipment was inspected,

the situation was serious.

When an NIS employee attempted hacking as a hacker,

data manipulation was easily possible,

and the firewall was practically non-existent.

The passwords were very simple, like '12345.'

The system security management company was very small and lacked expertise.

As president, I was shocked upon receiving the NIS report.

How can the people trust election results when the election management system,

a core of democracy, is so flawed?

The NEC was present during the NIS security inspection,

but only repeated excuses that they had not manipulated data themselves.

The NEC is a constitutional institution,

and with judiciary members as commissioners,

searches or forced investigations by warrants are practically impossible.

Without their cooperation, fact-finding is impossible.

Before the April 2024 general election, I requested improvements on problematic areas,

but I do not know if proper improvements were made.

Therefore, I instructed the Minister of National Defense

to inspect the NEC's computer system this time.

When the major opposition party, the Democratic Party,

threatened to impeach the Seoul Central District Prosecutor and prosecutors investigating their corruption,

and the head of the Board of Audit and Inspection, a constitutional institution,

I judged that I could no longer just watch silently.

I thought I had to do something.

They were clearly about to wield the impeachment sword at the judiciary as well.

I began to consider declaring martial law.

Although the major opposition party repeatedly abused constitutional authority

and took unconstitutional measures,

I decided to exercise presidential authority within the constitutional framework.

Judging the current disastrous government paralysis as a state of collapse of administrative and judicial functions due to social disorder,

I declared martial law,

with the purpose of informing the people

about the anti-state atrocities of the major opposition party

and warning them to stop.

By doing so, I aimed to prevent the collapse of liberal democratic constitutional order

and to normalize state functions.

In fact, after lifting martial law on December 4,

the Democratic Party said they would withhold impeachment motions against the head of the Board of Audit and Inspection and the Seoul Central District Prosecutor,

and I thought the brief martial law message had some effect.

However, two days later, they went ahead with the impeachment motion they had said they would withhold.

They intended to eliminate the justification for martial law.

From the start, I told the Minister of National Defense that, unlike past martial law,

I would use the form of martial law

to inform and appeal to the people about the current crisis as an emergency measure.

Therefore, only a small number of troops necessary to maintain order would be deployed,

no operational commander would be appointed,

and troops would be withdrawn immediately upon the National Assembly's resolution to lift martial law.

When the National Assembly passed the resolution to lift martial law,

I called the Minister of National Defense from the Ministry of National Defense building to my office

and ordered the immediate withdrawal of troops.

This emergency measure I declared as president

was not to destroy the constitutional order or national sovereignty of the Republic of Korea,

but to inform the people of the national crisis

and to protect and restore constitutional order and national sovereignty.

The reason for deploying a small number of troops to the National Assembly was symbolic,

to inform about the major opposition party's disastrous behavior,

and to maintain order in anticipation of a large crowd of National Assembly officials and citizens gathering after the martial law broadcast,

not to dissolve or paralyze the National Assembly.

It is obvious that with fewer than 300 troops without an operational commander,

it is impossible to control the vast National Assembly space for a significant period.

To impose martial law as in the past,

tens of thousands of troops and extensive prior discussion and preparation would be required,

but I instructed the Minister of National Defense to move troops only after announcing the martial law declaration and broadcasting it to the people.

Thus, the broadcast was at 10:30, troop deployment occurred between 11:30 and shortly after 12:00,

and after the National Assembly passed the resolution to lift martial law shortly after 1:00, I immediately ordered troop withdrawal.

In the end, the troops were deployed for only about one or two hours.

If the intention had been to paralyze the National Assembly,

martial law would have been declared on a weekend, not a weekday.

They would have cut power and water to the National Assembly building,

and restricted broadcasting.

But none of these were done.

Normal deliberations took place in the National Assembly,

and the entire nation watched the National Assembly situation through broadcasts.

To restore and protect liberal democratic constitutional order,

I took this unavoidable emergency measure to appeal to the people about the disastrous situation,

and ensured thorough safety measures to prevent casualties,

deploying only elite troops above the rank of non-commissioned officers, not ordinary soldiers.

In preparing for this martial law,

I discussed only with the Minister of National Defense,

and informed the Presidential Office and some Cabinet members at the State Council meeting just before the declaration.

Many raised concerns and objections from their respective perspectives.

From the president's viewpoint overseeing the entire government,

I explained that such measures were unavoidable in the current situation.

All military personnel followed the president's martial law announcement and troop movement orders,

so they bear no fault.

And let me be clear, I did not block National Assembly officials from entering the National Assembly,

so many lawmakers and crowds entered the National Assembly yard, main building, and plenary hall,

and the deliberation on the martial law lifting motion proceeded.

Yet, they are fabricating numerous false agitations to accuse me of rebellion and remove me from office.

Is there such a thing as a two-hour rebellion?

Is deploying a small number of troops briefly to maintain order a riot?

Why is the major opposition party rushing impeachment with false agitation?

There is only one reason.

As the guilty verdict for the major opposition party leader approaches,

they want to avoid it through the president's impeachment

and hold an early presidential election.

They want to destroy the national system,

cover up their crimes,

and seize control of the government.

Isn't this an act of disrupting the national order?

Whether they impeach me or investigate me,

I will face it with confidence.

I have already stated that I will not evade legal or political responsibility

regarding this martial law declaration.

Since taking office, I have never once been concerned with personal popularity,

the presidential term, or retaining my position.

If I had only cared about keeping my position,

I would not have had to confront the forces disrupting the national order,

nor would I have declared martial law as I did this time.

I could not ignore the country and the people by clinging only to a five-year term.

I could not betray the will of the people who elected me.

Facing the parliamentary dictatorship of the major opposition party,

which repeatedly commits legislative violence with majority power and is obsessed only with shielding themselves,

I tried to protect South Korea's liberal democracy and constitutional order.

This was the only path I saw, a constitutional decision and act of governance by the president.

How can this be rebellion?

The president's exercise of the martial law declaration authority

is a political act not subject to judicial review,

like exercising pardon or diplomatic authority.

Dear citizens,

The opposition party is now trying to portray me as a serious criminal

and remove me from the presidency immediately.

If the disastrous forces disrupting the national order

were to control this country,

what would happen?

Unconstitutional laws, self-immunity laws,

and economic ruin laws would indiscriminately pass through the National Assembly,

completely destroying this country.

Future growth engines including the nuclear power and semiconductor industries would wither,

and Chinese solar facilities would destroy forests nationwide.

The foundation of our security and economy,

the Korea-U.S. alliance and Korea-U.S.-Japan cooperation,

would collapse again.

North Korea would further develop its nuclear weapons and missiles,

seriously threatening our lives.

What will become of the future of this country, the Republic of Korea?

Spies would run rampant,

drugs would ruin future generations,

gangsters would run wild,

wouldn't it become such a country?

We must prevent at all costs the forces and criminal groups

that have led government paralysis and national order disruption

from taking control and threatening South Korea's future.

I will fight to the end.

Dear citizens,

In this disastrous emergency situation of government paralysis,

to protect the country and normalize governance,

the martial law measure exercised under the president's legal authority

is a highly political judgment by the president,

and can be controlled solely by the National Assembly's demand for lifting it.

Many know that this is the majority opinion of the judiciary's precedents and constitutional scholars.

I immediately accepted the National Assembly's demand to lift martial law.

Some may have different views on the conditions for declaring martial law,

but viewing emergency measures to save the country as acts of rebellion to destroy the country,

as many constitutional scholars and legal experts point out,

puts our constitution and legal system in serious danger.

I ask,

where were the people wildly dancing the knife dance all this time

while the country reached this state?

Did they not think at all that the Republic of Korea was in danger and crisis?

I urge public officials,

amid the grave security situation and global economic crisis,

to steadfastly devote yourselves to protecting the safety and livelihood of the people.

Dear citizens,

For the past two and a half years,

I have looked only to the people,

fighting against injustice, corruption, and violence disguised as democracy,

to protect and rebuild liberal democracy.

For the Republic of Korea and our liberal democracy,

I earnestly appeal for everyone to unite on this path.

I will fight alongside the people until the very end.

I apologize once again to the citizens who were alarmed and anxious

by this brief martial law.

Please trust my sincere devotion to the people.

Thank you.