[Insight & Opinion] President Yoon's "Stones" and Ostracism

Allegations of Abuse of Power and Failed Leadership
The President Should Have Delivered the Budget Address Even If "Pelted with Stones"
A Constitutional Amendment to Shorten Terms, Including for Lawmakers, Is Worth Considering

President Yoon did not deliver the 2025 budget address to the National Assembly on the 4th. Although it is not mandatory for the president to give the address, the situation was such that he had to go even if he were to be pelted with stones. When he said he would "go even if pelted with stones" without responding with appropriate measures regarding the allegations related to First Lady Kim Keon-hee, almost all media outlets criticized him. It was a response of indifference to public criticism, a "Mai Dong-pung" attitude of enduring and proceeding regardless. It rather recalled the Athenian democratic practice of ostracism (도편추방/Ostracism).

Ostracism was a democratic political method in ancient Athens used to exile anti-democratic tyrants. Citizens would write the name of the tyrant on pottery shards or shells, and if enough votes were gathered, the person would be exiled. It was essentially no different from impeachment through a referendum. Against this historical background, today's ballots are sometimes called "paper stones."

The recent situation of President Yoon Seok-yeol is by no means a march of suffering warranting a retort of "Let the one without sin cast the first stone." Responsible answers are needed regarding allegations of abuse of power and failed leadership. Moreover, with the revelation of direct phone conversations with Myung Tae-kyun, the issue has expanded beyond the First Lady to controversies over the president's own responsibility. The presidential office's claim that there had been no contact since the presidential primary was proven false, and the content also raises suspicions of the president's interference in candidate nominations. The scheduled National Assembly address was at this critical juncture. In this context, it was a responsible stance for the president to "go even if pelted with stones," a duty he had to bear.

The opposition party, led by the opposition, is denouncing this as "state affairs manipulation," effectively pushing for the president's resignation. Over the past two and a half years, the president has escalated issues with responses of indifference and non sequiturs whenever problems arose. Regarding the recent phone call recordings, the chief of the presidential secretariat who appeared at the National Assembly audit claimed there were no political, legal, or common-sense issues, an answer far removed from public opinion. The president responded with a non sequitur, saying the task was to show the people policy achievements, and announced a press conference on the 7th to address all current issues. It remains to be seen what level of reform measures will be presented and whether such responses can shift the situation.

There is also a view that the impeachment crisis of 2016 might be reenacted after eight years. If so, the failure of Yushin leadership would be repeated as the failure of prosecutorial leadership. Of course, there are several differences. No concrete political or legal investigations or controversies regarding President Yoon's responsibility have yet progressed. The anti-state affairs rallies that began on the 2nd still have a strong partisan character led by the opposition. Moreover, the Democratic Party leading these rallies faces judicial risks and is at a critical turning point this November. It is not easy to demonstrate universal leadership against the Yoon administration.

The government and ruling party characterize the opposition's rallies as outdoor struggles to shield the illegal acts of Lee Jae-myung and Jin Young cartel. Some acknowledge the president's mistakes and the First Lady's allegations but counterattack by saying that Lee Jae-myung and the Democratic Party, who face immediate judicial responsibility, are not in a position to lead the condemnation. The national candlelight protests of 2016 have also changed in nature, having become partisan protests through events like the 2019 Cho Kuk incident. Public response to whether President Yoon bears substantive responsibility and the reform measures he will present will be key variables. Of course, the first trial verdict on Lee Jae-myung is also a significant factor in the political landscape.

In any representative democracy worth knowing, no country would continue with such problems unresolved between the two main subjects of representative power. There is talk of constitutional amendments to remove the president mid-term. It might be worth considering a constitutional amendment to shorten the terms of both the president and members of the National Assembly.

Kim Man-heum, Former Director of the National Assembly Legislative Research Office