Movie 'Pamy?' Inspired by Fox Murayama Junji
Worked as a Consultant for the Government-General of Korea for 22 Years from 1919
Interpreted as Geomancy for Graves and Practical Prosperity of Descendants
Participated in Basic Work for Heart Land Development... Actual Effects Unknown
'If you look closely,' it conveys useful information in a somewhat disorganized manner. These are tips for enjoying movies and series more interestingly.
*Following "Dokkaebi Fire and Foxes Foretold Past Bountiful Harvests (Part 1)"
*Murayama Jizun was a contracted worker (a laborer engaged in special duties) for the Government-General of Korea. From 1919 to 1941, he stayed in Joseon (Korea) and investigated and organized Korean folk beliefs and local shrines. He also produced a series of reports. The materials have various issues, but since there are not many resources on Korean folklore during the Japanese colonial period, they are considered quite valuable. His most famous works are the so-called "Four-Part Series on Korean Folk Beliefs": "Ghosts of Joseon," "Feng Shui of Joseon," "Shamanism of Joseon," and "Divination and Prophecy of Joseon."
*Murayama was born in 1891 in Hojo, Kariwa District, Niigata Prefecture. Having lost his mother early, he entered Myokoji (Myoko Temple), a branch of the Nichiren sect (one of the twelve major sects of Japanese Buddhism), where he was raised under the guidance of the head priest Murayama Jizen. He attended Daiichi Koto Chugakko, a kind of preparatory school for the Imperial University, and graduated in July 1919 from the Department of Literature, Faculty of Philosophy (majoring in Sociology) at Tokyo Imperial University at the age of 28. That same year, he was commissioned by the Government-General of Korea and went to Joseon. He was in charge of the "Investigation of Social Conditions in Joseon" as part of the old official system's survey projects. There is a theory that before becoming a contracted worker for the Government-General, he served as a police chief in Daegu. However, close associates such as Asakura Toshio unanimously denied such a career.
*Murayama conducted investigations not only on folk beliefs such as village systems, ghosts, shamanism, divination, feng shui, house blessings, and rain prayers but also sociological studies on Koreans and Joseon society. The reports he wrote totaled thirteen volumes. Including survey materials he participated in with fellow contracted worker Zensho Eisuke, the number is presumed to be even higher. He also worked as a lecturer at private Buddhist schools, Gyeongseong Public Commercial School, Severance Medical School, and Gyeongseong Law School. From August 1937 to October 1938, he was an editor for the magazine "Joseon." In 1941, he returned to Japan and worked as a clerk at the Joseon Scholarship Association. After his mentor Murayama Jizen passed away in 1945, he became the 31st head priest of Myokoji. In 1958, at the request of his wife, whose health had deteriorated, he moved to Tokyo. Although he left academia upon becoming a monk, he devoted himself to reading throughout his life. He was known to possess a brilliant mind. He spoke very little and was said to mainly listen to others. It is presumed he had a typical scholar's demeanor. His deep knowledge of classical Chinese can be sufficiently gauged from the citations of ancient texts in his survey materials. Murayama passed away in 1968 at the age of seventy-seven.
*Murayama's tenure as a contracted worker for the Government-General of Korea lasted about 22 years, from 1919 to 1941. He investigated Korean folklore and related topics according to the needs of the Japanese colonial administration. It is said that he returned to Japan when the importance of his survey materials diminished due to changing times. The year 1919, when Murayama arrived in Joseon, was the year of the March 1st Movement. Startled by the resistance of the Korean people, the Japanese colonial government shifted from military rule to "cultural politics," initiating deceptive appeasement and ethnic division policies. In September of that year, Admiral Saito Makoto was appointed Governor-General of Korea. His administrative policy was "promotion of culture and strengthening of the people's power." He abolished the military governor system and the military police system, implemented a regular police system, and lifted restrictions on the press, publication, assembly, and association, among other reformist policies. However, the essence was a policy of ethnic division aimed at stabilizing the colonial regime by fostering pro-Japanese collaborators. For example, changing the military police system to a regular police system merely separated police duties from military duties. In reality, the police and military were strengthened to effectively suppress anti-Japanese movements. The notorious Peace Preservation Law (1925) was also enacted around this time.
*During the Japanese colonial period, folk beliefs adapted to the new historical environment and changed in various ways. Major factors included regulation and suppression of shamanism, widespread superstition eradication campaigns across society, the spread of Christianity, the repercussions of the fall of the Joseon Dynasty, and cultural changes due to colonial modernization. At that time, folk beliefs centered on shamanism were attacked not only by the colonial authorities but also by Christian forces, nationalist factions on both left and right, general intellectuals, and related social organizations and institutions.
*The Japanese government, following the Meiji Restoration, had a precedent of defining folk beliefs rooted in the contemporary populace as heresy and suppressing them. Especially from the 1870s, the systematic investigation of shrines unified various gods into a single deity and labeled folk beliefs as heretical. This experience was directly transplanted to colonial Joseon.
*In 1919, the Government-General of Korea felt the need to study social conditions as part of colonial governance policy materials. Murayama was entrusted with a five-year survey plan, known as the "Investigation of Social Conditions in Joseon." The survey items were broadly divided into three categories: basic surveys (land, biology, ethnicity), social, cooperative, economic, ideological, daily life, hygiene, crime and punishment, and social problems. The survey continued until 1923 but was greatly curtailed and halted due to the Great Kanto Earthquake.
*Murayama's work investigating and organizing Korean folk beliefs can be seen as a reflection of Emperor Taisho's will to invigorate the national spirit, which was echoed in the Government-General of Korea. The title of the thesis Murayama submitted upon graduating from Tokyo Imperial University was "The Development of the Japanese National Character," indicating that he was well attuned to Japan's political and social orientations at the time. This may have been the reason he was immediately commissioned by the Government-General to investigate social conditions in Joseon upon graduation.
*Initially, Murayama investigated Joseon's ideology and social movements. Later, he left numerous survey materials related to the daily lives of commoners, folk religions involving ghosts and feng shui, and traditional games. Around 1923, when he published "On Feng Shui" in the "Joseon History Lecture," his folk customs surveys took on a more folkloristic character.
*Murayama regarded Korean folk beliefs as natural faiths commonly held among the populace. He focused on ancestral spirit (joryeong) worship as the core. He believed the reason for its enduring existence was the practical needs of life, especially the emotional hopes that never disappear from human life.
*Murayama analyzed that in Joseon, not only natural objects but also humans were believed to have spirits, which became objects of faith. Based on the belief that people's lives were governed by spirits?mysterious forces beyond themselves?shamans (mugyeok, including mudang and baksu) were actively engaged. The book "Ghosts of Joseon" was published from this perspective.
*The concept of ghosts is a direct inheritance of the primitive divine concept of ancient Chinese people. In the Analects, "gui" refers to the spirits of the dead. "Shin" encompasses natural gods and means divine spirits. Ancestors interpreted ghosts through the yin-yang theory. They divided the qi between heaven and earth into yin and yang, believing yin became the white one and yang became the soul. The soul ascending was considered yang and became a god, while descending was yin and became a ghost. Thus, gods were yang spirits, and ghosts were yin spirits. Therefore, the souls of the living were considered living spirits and could not become ghosts, while the souls of the dead became ghosts or gods.
*In Joseon, death, which separates this world and the afterlife or the living and the dead, had a certain form. Dying too quickly was thought to be due to sudden misfortune (geupsal). It was ideal to die after suffering a disease neither too long nor too short, surrounded by descendants at the moment of death. Moreover, the dead were believed to gradually enter the world of the dead through ancestral rites performed by descendants and eventually be elevated to ancestors. Although this fixed process was typical and ideal, it was often difficult to satisfy in reality. Deaths without proper rites were a representative example. Those who died young or unmarried adults were believed to become vengeful spirits with strong grudges.
*Murayama explained the concept of ghosts as recognized in Korean folk beliefs as follows: "There are both good and evil ghosts. Generally, they have no form but can perform both artificial and supernatural acts. They exist abundantly in the universe and frequently interact with humans. Interactions with humans are more often harmful than beneficial. Therefore, in folk beliefs, ghosts are generally regarded as unfavorable."
*Murayama simply enumerated spirits, miscellaneous ghosts, and miscellaneous gods without clear criteria. "While ghosts are objects of aversion to humans, gods are objects of reliance. The opposing beliefs of ghosts and gods in the Joseon era were that ghosts were sources of disaster, while gods were bestowers of happiness. There is also a belief that divine spirits often serve ghosts, command them, and hold absolute power over life and death. Ghosts were considered to be ruled under the control of gods. Therefore, to escape the disasters caused by ghosts, the most effective method was to repel ghosts and pray to the gods who controlled and ruled them. When shamans cure illnesses, they always perform a divine invocation before expelling the ghost causing the illness. This belief arises from the perception that gods have the power to regulate and control life and death."
*Murayama regarded feng shui for graves as a matter aimed at the realistic prosperity of descendants. He saw it as based on a secondary, selfish, and practical notion of arranging ancestral graves in good locations to pray for descendants' prosperity and happiness, rather than the primary notion of ancestral veneration (chukho) that simply offers prayers and offerings for the repose of deceased parents or ancestors.
*The act of burying ancestral remains in auspicious places seems to originate from the Confucian concept of filial piety. The most prominent expression of this character is Confucian ancestral rites, understood as an extension of filial piety. Feng shui beliefs have a stronger worldly blessing character, where descendants directly receive benefits from their ancestors.
*Murayama cited five characteristics of Korean grave feng shui. First, Korean feng shui was transmitted from China. Second, feng shui emphasizes the vitality of the land, naturally making grave feng shui important. Third, Buddhism had a significant influence on the spread of grave feng shui. Fourth, since Koreans already believed that the bones of the dead affected the living, feng shui was quickly accepted as a grave belief. Lastly, there was a belief that the graves of ancestors were beneficial to descendants, which was utilized to pursue happiness and made feng shui a convenient method.
*Murayama collected a vast number of photographs, selecting appropriate ones to include in his survey materials. The albums owned by bereaved families were donated to Ito Seiji of Keio University's Department of Oriental History. Ito kept and organized them and later handed them over entirely to Nomura Shinichi upon retirement from Kyorin University. Most photos are estimated to be from the 1920s to 1930s.
*During Murayama's active period, the Korean Peninsula experienced widespread collapse of tenant farming due to land surveys, which were essentially land expropriation projects. Rural conflicts became severe. Perhaps because of this, the expressions of people and ritual scenes in the photos are generally stiff. Of course, the shooting environment or the photographer's attitude might also have been factors.
*The photos capture numerous folk customs that no longer exist today. These include writing parents' names on the soles of feet to cure malaria, funerals featuring bangsangsi (masks used in royal court ceremonies, funerals, and rites in the Joseon royal family), offerings and facilities for various diseases, doll rituals made to ward off evil in the first lunar month, and rites dedicated to Yeongdeung Halmi (a grandmother believed to descend from heaven on Yeongdeung Day, the first day of the second lunar month).
*Since ancient times, Koreans believed that the soul of the deceased ascended to heaven. The soul in heaven, that is, the ghost, was thought to be greatly influenced by how the remains left on earth were treated. If the remains were properly enshrined, the soul could rest peacefully; otherwise, it would become a vengeful ghost or a stray ghost (a spirit not receiving ancestral rites) and bring disasters to people. Murayama sought to find the background of the development of grave feng shui in Korea in these ghost beliefs.
*Murayama believed that various aspects of Korean culture stemmed from the social nature centered on blood relations and the family-centered system, with grave feng shui being the clearest example. "Acts hoping for the proliferation of descendants and family prosperity are not limited to Koreans; such desires appear in any folk culture. However, the obsession with achieving these goals by burying the remains of ancestors and parents in auspicious places is a unique characteristic of Korean culture. This originates from Koreans' social trait of distrusting anyone outside their blood relatives. It also stems from the family system where life security is provided by parents or the head of the household. This blood-relative-centered social nature and family-centered system have been consistent features throughout Korean history. Many aspects of Korean culture have sprouted from these social traits."
*In Joseon, there was a belief that if one used the grave of a famous mountain or auspicious site, the descendants would be blessed, but the villagers would suffer misfortune. It was believed that when someone secretly buried a grave for their clan's prosperity, rain would not fall in that area. The secret burial was thought to cause pollution, angering the mountain god. While the village suffered from the mountain god's wrath (drought), the secretly buried clan received blessings. Therefore, when drought occurred, villagers would climb the mountain to dig up the secret graves. Murayama analyzed that such behavior, where Koreans did not hesitate to harm others for their family or clan's benefit, was due to the family-centered family system in Korea.
*According to a Government-General survey in August 1930, the number of shamans (mugyeok) in Joseon reached 12,380, a ratio of 0.65 per 1,000 people.
*In shamanistic beliefs, the relationship between gods and humans was thought to be connected only through a medium called mu (shaman). For deceased ancestors to manifest to descendants, for gods to answer human questions or cure illnesses, it was believed that only through a mu, an intermediary or medium, could this be possible. Mu refers to those who acquire divine power and communicate with gods through divine illness or religious experiences. Communication with heaven has been a long-standing traditional role of Korean shamans.
*Murayama summarized the Korean folk belief system he recognized as the "Four-Part Series on Folk Beliefs" as follows: First, ghost beliefs are the ideological foundation in Joseon, and Korean culture is influenced by them. Second, one must examine feng shui to enshrine ancestors in good places, i.e., auspicious sites. Third, in emergencies, everything should be entrusted to shamans.
*In Korean folk beliefs, spirits of living and non-living things were believed to interact with people. Epidemics and all kinds of disasters were attributed to these spirits, and their intentions were sought through divination. Koreans believed that spirits not only attached themselves to others' houses to cause disasters but also, in return for being entrusted, enhanced the fortune of those houses. It was a belief that by inviting spirits and communicating with them, one could receive blessings.
*In Korean folk beliefs, it was believed that enshrining ancestors in auspicious places would bring prosperity and happiness through the ancestors' spirits. Therefore, if descendants' affairs did not go well, it was thought that the place where ancestors were enshrined was not auspicious and had to be relocated. When relocating or during difficult times, people often entrusted shamans to escape misfortunes caused by spirits. Spirits were believed to express their will through shamans' bodies or mouths in the form of spirit possession (sin-naerim).
*Like most Japanese intellectuals and rulers at the time, Murayama perceived Joseon as a backward country believing in superstitions. This is evident in the following description: "In the life ideology of the Korean masses, there is a tendency to expect progress in life by doing nothing and relying on other forces and opportunities rather than striving through one's own sweat. Regarding liberation from hardship, there is a momentary notion that as long as the current situation is broken, the future does not matter."
*While regarding Korean folk beliefs, which were treated as superstitions, as lowly, Murayama expressed the view that this was inevitable. "Folk beliefs are the only popular ideology and form their foundation. From the perspective of some elite ideologies or faiths, they may indeed be so lowly as to be despised as 'superstition.' However, for an ideology to be commonly maintained among the masses, it must be lowly in form because it cannot be maintained in an elite state and must be maintained through ignorance."
*Murayama's perception of Joseon had clear limitations. First, he thought that Korean shamans' main function was to enshrine original gods and appease original spirits. However, in traditional Korean folk beliefs, shamans did not distinguish between benevolent and malevolent gods but worshipped them equally. In rituals called "Yeoldure," shamans enshrined protective gods such as Samsin, Seongju, Jesuk, and Daegam, as well as malevolent spirits like guest ghosts that harm people. Our ancestors prayed to benevolent gods such as heaven and earth deities, guardian gods, and ancestral gods for blessings like abundance, health, and happiness, while also praying to malevolent gods to prevent diseases and disasters. Malevolent gods also exist in modern Japan and are objects of faith. Representative examples of malevolent gods in Japanese folk society include Haengyeokshin and Aegbyeongshin, who are the targets of rituals whenever incidents occur.
*Enshrining ancestral gods in Joseon was an expression of reverence for nature and the supernatural passed down from ancient times. Murayama, from a civilizational evolutionist perspective, dichotomized Japan as civilization and Joseon as barbarism or backwardness, viewing Korean folk beliefs as primitive. It is clearly wrong not to recognize the diverse ancestral rites performed by Koreans as a developed form of faith but to regard them as primitive superstitions.
*The biggest obstacle to Murayama's perception of Joseon was his status as a contracted worker for the Government-General. The Government-General's economic and administrative support allowed him to freely conduct literature surveys and field investigations of Korean folklore. However, his status as a contracted worker also limited the descriptions in his survey materials to a certain direction. The surveys and reports conducted under the Government-General's support could not escape the colonial governance policy from the outset. Compared to Akiba Takashi and Akamatsu Jizo, Murayama was more strongly influenced by the Government-General, making it difficult for him to break free from this framework.
*Although contracted workers were bound by administrative service regulations, they could speak more freely than officials. Considering that survey results were presented before the Governor-General and other officials, it is presumed that the probability of survey results by contracted workers influencing colonial policy was not low. In fact, after "Joseon's Pseudo-Religions," Murayama participated in the Chunchuwon Faith Review Committee. In 1936, based on the committee's work, the Government-General completed the basic framework of the "Mental Enlightenment Movement" (Shinten Kaihatsu), a campaign to overcome Japan's economic crisis during the 1930s global depression and to make Koreans obedient imperial subjects loyal to the Emperor amid the spread of socialist ideas. However, it remains uncertain how effective Murayama's surveys were in actual colonial governance of Joseon.
References: Park Jeon-yeol et al., published by Hannuri Media, "The Origin and Cultural Industrial Function of Japanese Yokai Culture (2005)"; Kim Yong-ui, published by Chonnam National University Press, "The Folkloric World of Japanese Folktales (2013)"; Moro Miya, translated by Kim Kyung-ah, published by Ilbit, "Legend Japan (2010)"; Cheon In-ho, published by Sejong Publishing, "Understanding Feng Shui Thought (1999)"; Nozaki Mitsuhiko, published by Dongdowon, "Korean Feng Shui Masters (2000)"; Lee Seok-jeong, Park Chae-yang, Choi Ju-dae, published by Brain Books, "Properly Honoring Ancestors Leads to Descendants' Prosperity (2007)"; Son Sook-hee, published by National Institute of Korean Studies, "Stories of Shamanism Written by Ordinary People (1997)"; Hong Tae-han, published by Minsokwon, "The World of Our Mudang Rituals (2009)"; Kim Hee-young, published by Minsokwon, "Murayama Jizun's Perception of Joseon through Folk Customs Survey Materials (2014)"; Murayama Jizun, translated by Choi Soon-ae and Yoshimura Mika, published by Shina Publishing, "Life and Death of Koreans 1920-1930s (2014)"; Murayama Jizun, translated by Choi Seok-young, published by Minsokwon, "Modern Korean Folklore Anthropology Series 2: Feng Shui of Joseon (2008)"; Iwata Shigenori, translated by Jo Gyu-heon, published by Sohwa, "The Birth of Japanese Funeral Culture (2009)"; Jang Yoon-seon, published by Isup, "Communicating with Joseon's Scholar Ghosts (2008)"; Park Tae-ho, published by Seohae Munjip, "History of Funerals (2006)"; Yoo Jae-cheol, published by Gimyoungsa, "The President's Embalmer (2022)"; Kim Young-min, published by Saemunsa, "Understanding Our Ancestor Faith (2005)" etc.
© The Asia Business Daily(www.asiae.co.kr). All rights reserved.
![[In Fact] Why Did Murayama Jijun Perceive Joseon as a Backward Country? (Part 2)](https://cphoto.asiae.co.kr/listimglink/1/2024031713560397133_1710651364.jpg)
![[In Fact] Why Did Murayama Jijun Perceive Joseon as a Backward Country? (Part 2)](https://cphoto.asiae.co.kr/listimglink/1/2024031713562397136_1710651383.jpg)
![[In Fact] Why Did Murayama Jijun Perceive Joseon as a Backward Country? (Part 2)](https://cphoto.asiae.co.kr/listimglink/1/2024022601530074798_1708879980.jpg)
![[In Fact] Why Did Murayama Jijun Perceive Joseon as a Backward Country? (Part 2)](https://cphoto.asiae.co.kr/listimglink/1/2024031713564697138_1710651407.jpg)
![[In Fact] Why Did Murayama Jijun Perceive Joseon as a Backward Country? (Part 2)](https://cphoto.asiae.co.kr/listimglink/1/2024031713565697139_1710651416.jpg)
![[In Fact] Why Did Murayama Jijun Perceive Joseon as a Backward Country? (Part 2)](https://cphoto.asiae.co.kr/listimglink/1/2024031713570597141_1710651425.jpg)
![[In Fact] Why Did Murayama Jijun Perceive Joseon as a Backward Country? (Part 2)](https://cphoto.asiae.co.kr/listimglink/1/2024031713572097142_1710651440.jpg)
![[In Fact] Why Did Murayama Jijun Perceive Joseon as a Backward Country? (Part 2)](https://cphoto.asiae.co.kr/listimglink/1/2024031713573197143_1710651451.jpg)
![[In Fact] Why Did Murayama Jijun Perceive Joseon as a Backward Country? (Part 2)](https://cphoto.asiae.co.kr/listimglink/1/2024031713574497145_1710651465.jpg)
![[In Fact] Why Did Murayama Jijun Perceive Joseon as a Backward Country? (Part 2)](https://cphoto.asiae.co.kr/listimglink/1/2024022718135877745_1709025238.jpg)
![[In Fact] Why Did Murayama Jijun Perceive Joseon as a Backward Country? (Part 2)](https://cphoto.asiae.co.kr/listimglink/1/2024030922385189436_1709991531.jpg)

