[In Fact] Jang Taewan and Jeon Du-hwan Met at Seobinggo Lost and Found (Part 2)

Park Jong-gyu abandoned Kim Orang, who collapsed bleeding
Jung Byeong-ju betrayed by three beloved brigade commanders
President Roh Tae-woo's recollection of the December 12 Incident is...

'If you know' it conveys useful information in a disorganized manner. It is a tip for watching movies interestingly.

*Following Jang Tae-wan was arrested by the subordinate he entrusted with command (Part 2)

*Around 11 p.m., when the attempt to serve the president failed, Jang Tae-wan gathered about sixty remaining officers. He expressed a solemn resolution and ordered the immediate arrest or killing of the 30th Security Group Commander, the 33rd Security Group Commander, and the Military Police Commander. He disclosed the list of those conspiring to rebel in the 30th Security Group and ordered the same response against them. He instructed the artillery unit in Gimpo to aim all their guns at Gyeongbokgung Palace. "Organize all forces, including tanks, into combat units immediately. The targets are the 30th Security Group and the Security Command at Gyeongbokgung Palace. The attack start line is in front of the Astoria Hotel on Toegye-ro. Deploy all units along the attack start line immediately. I will lead the departure. After establishing suitable positions near the Central Government Complex, concentrate fire on both targets with tank guns, TOW (anti-tank missiles), 106mm recoilless rifles, and 3.5-inch rocket launchers. After firing hundreds of shells, launch a simultaneous assault to kill or capture the rebels and suppress the uprising."

*Yoon Sung-min, the Chief of Staff listening beside him, said he would try to seek cooperation for troop deployment from the commanders of the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd armies. He called General Lee Geon-young, the 3rd Army Commander. Sensing something suspicious in the conversation, Jang Tae-wan took the receiver and asked about the deployment of the 26th Division and the Capital Mechanized Division. General Lee Geon-young hesitated, saying, "If we mobilize field army units now, we cannot rule out the possibility of Kim Il-sung's invasion from the south, can we? Also, troop deployment requires approval from higher-ups." Yoon Sung-min also contacted General Kim Hak-won, the 1st Army Commander, and General Jin Dong-chae, the 2nd Army Commander. The results were the same. Even if the request was accepted, it was not appropriate due to distance and time.

*The 9th Airborne Brigade, ordered to deploy by Special Forces Commander Jeong Byeong-ju, could not move even after 11:30 p.m. There were no vehicles to transport troops. One battalion was out for field training in Seosan, Chungnam. When Colonel Yoon Heung-gi, commander of the 9th Airborne Brigade, led the 5-minute standby 5th Battalion troops out of the unit gate, he received numerous calls to turn back the deployment troops. Not knowing what was happening, Colonel Yoon called Special Forces Commander Jeong by radio, but there was no response. At that time, Colonel Choi Se-chang of the 3rd Airborne Brigade was attacking the Special Forces Command with brigade troops to arrest Commander Jeong Byeong-ju under Chun Doo-hwan's orders. Colonel Yoon eventually recalled all the troops on standby back to the unit.

*Deputy Chief of Staff Yoon Sung-min was unaware that the 9th Airborne Brigade troops were deploying and was strongly protested by generals from the Joint Investigation Headquarters. Earlier, he had suggested not to deploy troops on both sides, fearing numerous casualties and Seoul turning into a sea of fire.

*Jang Tae-wan continued to make calls requesting troop support here and there. Commanders who initially promised cooperation found it difficult, citing lack of orders from higher-ups. Some commanders even avoided answering calls by leaving their posts.

*Before blocking the 9th Airborne Brigade's deployment, the Joint Investigation Headquarters ordered Colonel Park Hee-do, commander of the 1st Airborne Brigade, to deploy troops. The 1st Airborne Brigade could not cross the 2nd Hangang Bridge because orders to arrest generals from the Joint Investigation Headquarters had been issued. Colonel Park chose Haengju Bridge, which was not under the jurisdiction of the Capital Mechanized Infantry Division, as all Hangang bridges were blocked by the Military Police of the Capital Mechanized Infantry Division.

*The artillery unit of the Capital Mechanized Infantry Division was established by Presidential Security Chief Cha Ji-cheol on July 1, four months before the assassination of President Park Chung-hee. The reason was the risk of armed forces raiding the Blue House. It consisted of about 1,500 troops and 155mm and 105mm howitzers, which were not very helpful for security.

*Jang Tae-wan received news from Gu Myeong-hoe, commander of the artillery unit near Haengju Bridge, that Colonel Park Hee-do was leading troops into Seoul. He ordered all guns to be aimed at the 30th Security Group at Gyeongbokgung Palace and to wait for further orders. Gu told Operations Staff Colonel Park Dong-won, "Since it is the commander's order, we will aim all guns at Gyeongbokgung, but shelling is difficult. As Colonel Park knows well, artillery is useless in urban warfare where friend and foe are not completely separated. Moreover, to target the 30th Security Group, observation fire must be conducted first. That would turn the Gwanghwamun area into a wasteland and cause unimaginable civilian casualties. It is absolutely impossible. We will not shell but prepare flares instead."

*Colonel Choi Se-chang, commander of the 3rd Airborne Brigade, ordered Lieutenant Colonel Park Jong-gyu, commander of the 15th Battalion under the 3rd Airborne Brigade near the Special Forces Command, to arrest Special Forces Commander Jeong Byeong-ju. Lieutenant Colonel Park led ten paratroopers armed with M16 rifles into the Special Forces Command. They fired about twenty warning shots toward the second floor where the commander's office was located upon entering the first floor. They quickly entered the commander's office but the door to the inner room was firmly locked from inside. Lieutenant Colonel Park ordered to shoot the door handle to destroy the locking mechanism. When one soldier concentrated fire with an M16 rifle, several bullets came from inside. Special forces soldiers wounded in arms and back fired again. No more bullets came from inside. Taking advantage of this, the soldiers pushed the door open and entered. Major Kim Oh-rang was lying on the floor. The soldiers also fired concentrated shots at the inner room's door handle. A pistol shot was heard once from inside but soon it became quiet. When Lieutenant Colonel Park kicked the door open and entered, Special Forces Commander Jeong Byeong-ju was lying wounded in the left arm. He helped Commander Jeong up and dragged him outside to a jeep waiting at the entrance. Major Kim Oh-rang, who was bleeding and collapsed, was left as is.

*The first person to rush to the scene after hearing that Major Kim Oh-rang was down was his aide Captain Jang Beom-ju. Feeling his pulse, he found it faintly beating. Captain Jang called a jeep and moved Major Kim to the command's medical office. The military doctor said the bleeding was too severe and survival was unlikely. Major Kim eventually died.

*Major Kim Oh-rang was a senior-junior alumnus of the Korea Military Academy with Lieutenant Colonel Park Jong-gyu. They lived in on-base apartments and often visited each other's families.

*After Major Kim Oh-rang's death, his wife engaged in social service activities to overcome shock and despair. In 1990, she filed a lawsuit for damages against the leaders of the December 12 military rebellion. However, she suddenly dropped the lawsuit, raising suspicions of external pressure. The following June, she died after overdosing on tranquilizers and falling from the rooftop of the Jabiwon building.

*Special Forces Commander Jeong Byeong-ju was taken to the Seobinggo detention center but was transferred to the Republic of Korea Army Seoul District Hospital in the Security Command headquarters due to severe bleeding. He later learned of Major Kim Oh-rang's death. Commander Jeong retired as an Army Major General after writing a retirement letter in January 1980 while hospitalized. A few years later, he met Jang Tae-wan and lamented being betrayed by the three brigade commanders he cherished most. "Choi Se-chang, Park Hee-do, and Jang Gi-o were all subordinates who owed their promotions and positions to me, but I never expected them to betray me like that. I realized then that you can know the depths of water but not the depths of a person's heart."

*General Jeong Byeong-ju was deeply depressed by his subordinates' betrayal. In mid-October 1988, he left home as usual and disappeared. Four months later, in early March 1989, he was found dead by hanging at an empty military camp in Gyeonggi Province. No suicide note was found.

*Jang Tae-wan ignored the pleas of Acting Director of the Central Intelligence Agency General Lee Hee-seong and others and boarded a combat jeep. He thought there was no choice but a final charge. At the entrance of the Capital Mechanized Infantry Division, trucks carrying troops, a TOW company, and four tanks lined up along the road toward the Astoria Hotel, waiting for orders. About 100 troops were on the trucks, including administrative soldiers, transport personnel, and cooks. Jang Tae-wan later recalled, "I planned to push into Gyeongbokgung with four tanks at the front, concentrate tank guns, 106mm recoilless rifles, TOW missiles, and 3.5-inch rocket launchers on the Security Command building and the 30th Security Group, and deploy troops to arrest or kill the coup leaders. Even if I were killed, I wanted to take responsibility for the military and the people. I also considered using reconnaissance helicopters stationed at Bukaksan to drop tear gas and grenades on the Security Command and the 30th Security Group. But the helicopter commander said it was difficult to approach the buildings at night, so it was canceled."

*Despite opposition from some staff, Jang Tae-wan ordered the deployment of the TOW company. Prepared to fight with bare hands, he intended to use all available firepower. After getting off the jeep, he moved forward, checking the combat readiness and equipment of the troops at the rear of the formation. At that moment, Chief of Staff Colonel Kim Su-tak, who had checked the formation earlier, ran up breathlessly and said, "Commander! When I went to the tank platoon ahead, I heard continuous radio orders from the tank battalion headquarters on the 30th Security Group side to kill you. You must leave here quickly and return to the headquarters. Our last main attack force is just those four tanks. What can you do with only these administrative troops? It seems everything is over now." After much deliberation, Jang Tae-wan returned to his office. It was around 1:30 a.m. on December 12. Soon, he received two shocking pieces of news: one, the 1st Airborne Brigade had occupied the Ministry of National Defense and the Army Headquarters; two, Special Forces Commander Jeong Byeong-ju was arrested by subordinates of the 3rd Airborne Brigade, and Chief of Staff Major Kim Oh-rang was killed in a shootout.

*When Jang Tae-wan gave up the final charge and returned to his office, he received a call from Minister of National Defense Noh Jae-hyeon, whom he had been seeking. It was around 3 a.m. on December 13. The minister said, "Hey, Jang Tae-wan! Why do you keep trying to fight? Talk it out! Talk it out. I say talk it out. No bloodshed." He then ordered the withdrawal of troops and to end the situation. Jang Tae-wan replied, "If that is the minister's order, I will comply. I will end the situation!" and hung up. He immediately ordered the cessation of combat and firing. He also ordered the removal of barricades on all Hangang bridges to coincide with the 4 a.m. curfew lift and to normalize traffic.

*Chun Doo-hwan, head of the Joint Investigation Headquarters, ordered Colonel Jo Hong, commander of the Military Police of the Capital Mechanized Infantry Division, to arrest Jang Tae-wan. Colonel Jo ordered Lieutenant Colonel Shin Yun-hee, who remained in the Capital Mechanized Infantry Division, to arrest Jang Tae-wan. Lieutenant Colonel Shin was an officer who had led troops on an emergency dispatch to the Army Chief of Staff's residence under Jang Tae-wan's orders. Initially, he faithfully followed the formal command chain but was later persuaded by the Joint Investigation Headquarters and was preparing to arrest his direct commander. He gathered Captains Han Young-su, Yoon Tae-i, and Park Dae-sik to brief them on the operation.

*Around 3:40 a.m., Lieutenant Colonel Shin Yun-hee led the Military Police company commander and ten soldiers to the second-floor commander's office corridor. At that time, about ten aides to the Army Headquarters staff officers were lingering in the commander's office annex. Lieutenant Colonel Shin threatened them to leave and confiscated the pistols worn by the aides. The Military Police aimed M16 rifles at the generals sitting in stunned silence. At that moment, Major General Ha So-gon, Chief of Operations Staff, tried to enter the office but was startled by the rifle pointed at him and reached for his pistol at his waist. Suddenly, M16 gunfire shook the room. Major General Ha was hit, with bullets piercing his left chest, grazing his lungs and spleen, and exiting his back. Witnessing this, Colonel Hwang Won-tak, Chief Aide to General Jeong Seung-hwa, quickly drew his pistol and aimed at the Military Police. Then Lieutenant General Moon Hong-gu, Chief of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, grabbed Colonel Hwang's arm and pulled it down. He shouted at the Military Police, "Hey, you bastards! We are unarmed. Remove your rifles immediately!"

*Jang Tae-wan checked on the bleeding and collapsed Major General Ha So-gon and ordered his subordinates to take him to the hospital quickly. On the way to his office, he met Lieutenant Colonel Shin Yun-hee. Jang asked, "Whose order is this? Whose orders does the deputy commander take?" Shin replied, "It is the Security Commander's order. Please forgive me. From now on, I will serve you, Commander." Jang said, "You bad guy, fine! Let's go to Chun Doo-hwan," and got into a car waiting at the entrance downstairs. It was around 4 a.m. on December 13.

*After Jang Tae-wan was taken to Seobinggo, the Army Headquarters staff officers in the Capital Mechanized Infantry Division command room were detained until morning. Lieutenant General Moon Hong-gu and Deputy Chief of Staff Yoon Sung-min were taken to Seobinggo, while the other staff returned to the Army Headquarters. General Lee Geon-young, 3rd Army Commander, was also ordered by Minister of National Defense Noh Jae-hyeon to enter the Ministry of National Defense that dawn and was immediately taken to Seobinggo.

*Those who seized military power purged the military leadership from the top. Acting Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, Lieutenant General Lee Hee-seong, 8th class of the Korea Military Academy, was promoted to General and became the Army Chief of Staff, succeeding General Jeong Seung-hwa. Chun Doo-hwan had always found him troublesome. However, he did not forget the price of siding with the rebels that night. The person initially designated by Chun Doo-hwan's group as the next Chief of Staff was General Hwang Young-shi, commander of the 1st Corps, who was appointed Deputy Chief of Staff that day.

*General Yoo Hak-seong, Deputy Minister of Military Logistics at the Ministry of National Defense and a key figure in the coup, was appointed 3rd Army Commander; General Roh Tae-woo, commander of the 9th Division, became Jang Tae-wan's successor as Capital Mechanized Infantry Division Commander; General Jeong Ho-yong of the 50th Division became Special Forces Commander; and Brigadier General Baek Woon-taek, commander of the 71st Defense Division, was appointed commander of the 9th Division. The minister was General Joo Young-bok, former Air Force Chief of Staff, unfamiliar with the Army. Jang Tae-wan speculated, "They probably appointed someone unfamiliar with the Army to make it easier to control."

*Chun Doo-hwan, Security Command Commander, tried to concurrently hold the vacant position of Central Intelligence Agency Director after Lee Hee-seong's appointment as Chief of Staff. Lee Hee-seong and Prime Minister Shin Hyun-hwak opposed this, arguing that it was undesirable for one person to hold important national intelligence agencies simultaneously. However, Chun Doo-hwan enforced his will.

*Jang Tae-wan entered a room in Seobinggo guided by plainclothes Security Command agents. The room, about 5 to 7 pyeong (approx. 16.5 to 23 square meters), had a single Borneo teak bed still wrapped in plastic. There were two small metal chairs facing a small metal desk. The bathroom was equipped with a shower, toilet, and a small bathtub. Jang thought, 'Ah, this is the infamous "Bingo Hotel."' The investigator brought him shabby work clothes that had not been properly washed and told him to wear them. The clothes had only a few buttons and no belt.

*Through the prison bars, Jang Tae-wan saw the school building of Junggyeong High School, where his son attended. He thought, 'My son is probably concentrating on entrance exam studies, unaware that his father has become a traitor locked up here, awaiting death!' and shed tears.

*The investigator told Jang, "In the next room are also Kim Jae-gyu and General Jeong Seung-hwa."

*Security Chief Cha Ji-cheol created a new unit called the 33rd, composed of carefully selected soldiers from the Capital Mechanized Infantry Division to strengthen Blue House security. The unit members were dispatched to the Security Office and assigned to the Joint Investigation Headquarters after October 26. They were responsible for guarding the Security Command and controlling and monitoring the families of those involved in the Kim Jae-gyu incident. The guards working at the Seobinggo detention center were technically Jang Tae-wan's subordinates.

*In February 1980, Jang Tae-wan was asked to write a retirement letter. He told the investigator he would comply but would not leave until meeting General Chun Doo-hwan. Around 4 p.m. on February 5, Chun Doo-hwan visited. Jang went up to the Seobinggo detention chief's office on the second floor. Colonel Lee Hak-bong, head of the Joint Investigation Headquarters' investigation bureau, was also present. When Jang entered the interview room, Chun stood up and shook his hand. "Senior Jang! You have been through so much. How is your health?"

*The following is the conversation between Jang Tae-wan and Chun Doo-hwan as recorded by Jang. "I'm doomed anyway, so health is not a concern. But General Chun! How should I perform my duties as Capital Mechanized Infantry Division Commander?" "The truth is, General Jeong Seung-hwa was related to the Kim Jae-gyu incident but refused to cooperate with the investigation. For the sake of military development, we planned to persuade him to resign as Chief of Staff and rest at home for about six months, promising him an ambassador or ministerial position or higher. We intended to send Generals Hwang Young-shi, Cha Gyu-heon, and Yoo Hak-seong, who had sound intentions, to persuade him. When they failed due to General Jeong's resistance, we planned to send General Roh Tae-woo, a master persuader, as backup. But General Jeong's firm opposition caused the incident to escalate. Because you blocked the Hangang bridges, do you know how much gold costs now? It jumped from 30,000 won to 70,000 won, and international opinion is very unfavorable." "Then why didn't you seek my cooperation beforehand? Or when you invited us to the Yeonhui-dong restaurant that night, you could have detained us there. You had your troops disguised at the party and could have dealt with us anytime. Yet you let me go to the unit I could command. So, naturally, I must perform my basic duties until I die. And why didn't you tell me from the start that General Jeong was taken away?" "Senior Jang! Actually, I scolded those below who wanted to detain you in advance. He is someone we serve and work with on big matters. I said I would take responsibility. But you made such a fuss, and I was in a difficult position. If you hadn't made a fuss, we planned to promote you to Lieutenant General and send you out as a corps commander the next day. Please understand the situation and rest at home for about six months. We will prepare a job for you." "No, when a soldier retires, that's it. What job? And do you intend to try General Jeong in court and sentence him?" "Senior Jang! You don't know the situation. Domestic and international opinion on General Jeong is very bad. Why don't you know that?" "Enough. It's all over. Let's end this cleanly. Since you say you won't kill this loser and will send him home, I will go!" Jang stood up and returned to his cell. Then, as the investigator called, he wrote the retirement letter: 'Submitting retirement due to personal reasons.'

*Jang Tae-wan changed into the Major General uniform he wore two months earlier when he was taken away (except for the pistol) and left the cell with a complicated heart, heading home. It was around 5 p.m. on February 4, 1980. His family greeted him with tears.

*Jang Tae-wan's son, who was attending Seoul National University, went out on January 12, 1982, and did not return. On February 4 that year, his body was found on a mountainside in Waegwan-eup, Chilgok-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do.

*Jang Tae-wan buried his son in Yongin Park Cemetery and, a few days later on February 15, met Lee Han-dong, secretary to the chairman of the Democratic Justice Party. Lee advised him that staying at home would only upset him and suggested going to work to forget his grief and manage family affairs. Jang thought it was the best way and accepted. The position arranged by Lee was the newly established president of Korea Securities Computerization, a small service company handling computer tasks for securities companies. It was a subsidiary of the Korea Stock Exchange, jointly processing computer tasks for twenty-five securities companies. The company had one executive director, two managers, and eighty-two general employees. In 1986, under government privatization policy, it became a purely private service company for joint computer processing of twenty-five securities companies.

*Fifteen people were later convicted for the December 12 military rebellion. According to a 2005 'Shin Dong-a' report, there were eighty-five members of the Hanahoe faction from the 11th to 18th classes of the Korea Military Academy. Most became administrative officials or Democratic Justice Party members of the National Assembly during the Fifth Republic. The rest occupied key military positions.

*The following is the recollection of Roh Tae-woo, then commander of the 9th Division. "Chun Doo-hwan's Joint Investigation Headquarters said that General Jeong Seung-hwa requested an investigator because he was also to be investigated regarding the assassination incident. However, he repeatedly changed his testimony and, after the investigation, asked to bring back the statement submitted to the investigation headquarters to revise it, showing psychological instability. The headquarters chief briefed me through his chief of staff, Colonel Heo Hwa-pyung. It was a serious matter that could not be ignored. The Joint Investigation Headquarters had to investigate anyone involved in President Park Chung-hee's assassination thoroughly and reveal the truth to the public. (...) We thought it best to explain the investigation progress and difficulties honestly to Generals Hwang Young-shi, Cha Gyu-heon, and Yoo Hak-seong, who were close to General Jeong. I told General Chun, 'Even if General Jeong was unaware beforehand, since he was near the scene invited by Kim Jae-gyu, he bears moral responsibility. I think the respected General Jeong should resign as Chief of Staff before investigation. I believe he is capable of that. If we speak sincerely, won't he accept it?' I also suggested, 'If he cannot let go of the military, promoting him to Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff might be a way to resolve difficulties.' General Chun seemed to agree. So we promised to meet again on December 12 to cooperate in resolving the matter. (...) On December 12 afternoon, I went to the corps with General Hwang Young-shi and headed to the Security Command. When we arrived at the Security Command gate, the escort officer said, 'Go to the 30th Security Group Commander's office,' and led us. (...) When I asked why so many gathered, they said it was to persuade generals in the metropolitan area who opposed or were dissatisfied with the process of taking General Jeong away. I thought, 'They requested cooperation in advance at the Security Command to persuade General Jeong and others according to the situation.' (...) I first heard the term 'detain' there. Before that, I thought it was 'bringing him in.' But I understood that the Joint Investigation Headquarters might use such terms. However, the situation began to spiral unexpectedly. According to reports from 30th Security Group Commander Jang Se-dong, there was a clash at the Chief of Staff's residence causing casualties, and General Jeong was taken to Seobinggo. We were all shocked. General Chun had not received the president's approval for General Jeong's detention. President Choi Kyu-ha insisted that the Minister of National Defense must agree. Minister Noh Jae-hyeon was reported missing. We could only watch the situation unfold. It was just after 8 p.m. when we heard that General Jang Tae-wan issued a fierce order: 'Immediately return the Chief of Staff. All generals gathered at the 30th Security Group are rebels. Kill them all without leaving one alive.' (...) General Jang seemed to have lost reason. I thought it was a big disaster. But I asked senior generals to focus on avoiding military clashes at all costs. Lieutenant General Lee Hee-seong, acting Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, tried hard to prevent the situation from worsening. He repeatedly emphasized avoiding military clashes while communicating with Generals Yoo Hak-seong and Jang Se-dong. (...) General Jang ordered the deployment of tank units to surround the 30th Security Group, control key roads in Seoul, restrict troop movements, and even deploy artillery to aim 105mm guns at Gyeongbokgung Palace. If fired, the shells would hit not only Gyeongbokgung but also the Blue House and Prime Minister's residence. Our forces were only the 30th Security Group. General Jang gave the attack order. In this tense situation, we desperately tried to prevent clashes. Then news came that the 9th Airborne Brigade was deploying to Seoul under the Army Headquarters' orders. I called Brigade Commander Yoon Heung-gi and asked him not to deploy. Although he did not clearly say he would not deploy, he seemed to understand. General Jang's urging to attack his subordinates intensified over time. At that point, I had to prepare myself. If they seize the 30th Security Group and storm the commander's office, a battle is inevitable. Should I fight them? I decided, 'No, I can never point a gun at our soldiers and fight.' I checked the bullets loaded in my pistol and resolved to commit suicide just before clashing with them. But then I thought, 'This is not a personal matter. It must be resolved on a national level.' (...) Finally, news came that the Capital Mechanized Infantry Division command was subdued. General Jang Tae-wan was arrested, and during the process, Major General Ha So-gon was injured. I hoped no clashes occurred in the units I deployed. Later, I received reports that the troops I mobilized entered the Central Government Complex safely without incident. We overcame a major crisis and prevented the feared bloodshed. (...) This is the full story of the December 12 incident as I experienced it. Simply put, the December 12 incident occurred while trying to detain Army Chief of Staff General Jeong Seung-hwa, suspected of involvement in the Kim Jae-gyu assassination investigation. If this incident is defined as a coup d'?tat, there must be a 'pre-planned' element, but I have never heard of any such plan beyond the investigation plan. Historically, no coup has occurred where the unit commander mobilizing troops left the unit and was unable to command. In other words, the conditions for a coup did not exist at all."

Reference materials: Jang Tae-wan, published by Myeongseong Publishing House, 'December 12 Coup and Me (1993)'; Political Department of Hankook Ilbo, published by Hankook Ilbo, 'The Stolen Spring of Seoul (1994)'; Gonamu, published by Bookcomma, 'Still Alive Jeon Du-hwan (2013)'; Roh Tae-woo, published by Chosun News Press, 'Roh Tae-woo Memoirs (Vol. 1): National Democratization, My Fate (2011)'; Jeong Il-young and Hwang Dong-ha, published by Grimssi, 'Jeon Du-hwan Secret Biography (2017)'; Jeong Hae-gu, published by Institute for Historical Issues, 'Jeon Du-hwan and the 1980s Democratization Movement (2011)', etc.