[Full Text] Joo Ho-young: "Moon's 'Naeronambul' History and Lee Jae-myung Diminish National Assembly's Prestige"

"Majority Seat Control Nullifies Most Key Elements of Collegial System"
"Promises to Waive Immunity from Arrest, 국민 Watches if Lee Will Keep His Word"

[Asia Economy Reporter Hyunju Lee] On the 14th, Joo Ho-young, floor leader of the People Power Party, said in the National Assembly negotiation group representative speech, "Since the Democratic Party secured an overwhelming majority of seats in the last general election, our parliamentary democracy has been rapidly collapsing."

Floor leader Joo stated on the day, "As soon as the Democratic Party secured an overwhelming majority of seats, it has been nullifying most of the core elements of the consensus system, thereby hollowing out parliamentary democracy."

He also said, "Another important cause of distrust in the National Assembly is the so-called 'Naeronambul' (double standards: 'romance when I do it, adultery when others do it')," adding, "This is especially prominent in the Democratic Party. The entire five years of the Moon Jae-in administration was a history of Naeronambul," citing examples in personnel, finance, and legislation.

Joo Ho-young, floor leader of the People Power Party, is delivering a negotiation group representative speech at the National Assembly plenary session hall in Yeouido, Seoul, on the 14th. Photo by Kim Hyun-min kimhyun81@

He continued, "The Moon Jae-in administration came to power advocating candlelight democracy and fairness. However, it was far from democracy and fairness," and pointed out, "The behavior of the pro-Moon faction blindly defending the Cho Kuk family was even more astonishing."

Floor leader Joo directly criticized, "Regardless of party affiliation, the fact that Lee Jae-myung, the current leader of the Democratic Party of Korea, is facing various corruption allegations greatly damages not only the Democratic Party but also the overall prestige of the National Assembly." He added, "The public is also watching whether the Democratic Party, especially Lee Jae-myung, who pledged to give up parliamentary immunity, will keep that promise."

Below is the full text of the negotiation group representative speech.

1. Opening Remarks

Respected citizens,

Speaker of the National Assembly Kim Jin-pyo and fellow lawmakers,

Prime Minister Han Duck-soo and members of the Cabinet!

I am Joo Ho-young, floor leader of the People Power Party from Daegu Suseong-gap.

The devastation caused by the earthquake that struck T?rkiye and Syria

is beyond description.

While deeply sympathizing with the people of both countries,

I pray that more people will be rescued and the damage will be swiftly restored.

As we approach Usu (the period marking the end of winter), the wind is becoming gentler,

and already, news of plum blossoms is coming from the south.

With the news of flowers, may COVID-19 end,

and may all our citizens welcome a vibrant and joyful spring.

I listened carefully to the speech of the respected Democratic Party floor leader Park Hong-geun yesterday.

I will accept criticisms that can be accepted,

and express differing opinions and seek adjustments where we disagree.

As a five-term lawmaker,

I am one of the senior members of our National Assembly.

I have tried my best so far, but

there are many shortcomings and inadequacies.

However, during my not-so-short legislative career,

I have never felt such despair and fear as I do now.

The root of my despair is that despite our efforts and struggles,

our National Assembly is more criticized and distrusted by the people than ever before.

About twenty years ago, a chairman of a major corporation caused a stir by calling Korean politics fourth-rate,

and even now, it is hard to deny that our politics remains fourth-rate.

According to the 7th World Values Survey conducted between 2017 and 2021,

a staggering 79.3% of respondents in our country expressed distrust in the National Assembly.

In the national index survey released on December 15 last year,

the National Assembly ranked last among government institutions with only 15% trust.

81% of respondents answered that they 'do not trust' the National Assembly,

which is almost identical to the World Values Survey results.

The political arena is a place where people take sides and fiercely attack each other.

Korean politics is especially polarized,

with much stronger mutual distrust and attacks.

Moreover, since these scenes are often broadcasted,

public trust is inevitably lower than in other professions.

Even considering these limitations,

it is shameful and heartbreaking that the report card of our efforts as lawmakers is only 15.

The reason I feel fear like never before is

because the challenges facing the Republic of Korea now

are so critical that our national decision-making capacity

seems insufficient.

The rise of China, the intensifying US-China rivalry, and the North Korean nuclear threat

pose tremendous security challenges to us.

The climate crisis and carbon neutrality efforts

require not only industrial transformation but a paradigm shift in civilization itself,

representing a civilizational challenge.

The rapidly progressing low birthrate

threatens not only the socioeconomic sustainability of Korea

but also its physical survival, posing a demographic challenge.

There are also many serious long-accumulated problems in labor, pensions, and education.

Our modern history has experienced two major national crises.

The first, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries,

led to the loss of national sovereignty and colonization by Japan.

The second, around 1950 after the establishment of the Republic of Korea,

when North Korea invaded with Soviet and Chinese support,

was averted from destruction with the help of the US and the UN,

and the nation was built through the sweat and blood of all citizens.

I believe the current major crisis facing our country,

though not yet fully realized,

is no less serious than the previous two.

However, the Republic of Korea facing the third major crisis

is in a much better position than before.

We have economic power worthy of joining the G7,

military strength capable of inflicting serious damage on external enemies,

and a proud cultural influence.

In short, we have various resources to overcome the current national crisis,

and what is needed now is to properly coordinate these resources in time.

I believe this is exactly what our National Assembly must do.

If the National Assembly successfully leads the national response to these challenges,

public trust can be restored.

2. Restoring Trust in the National Assembly

Respected fellow lawmakers,

Since the establishment of the 'National Assembly System Improvement Committee' in 1994,

our National Assembly has operated committees for reform and innovation 11 times,

striving to increase public trust.

Former Speakers of the National Assembly launched these committees

with the goals of a trusted National Assembly, a hardworking National Assembly, a cooperative National Assembly between ruling and opposition parties,

and a National Assembly preparing for the future.

However, despite all these efforts,

our National Assembly is perceived not as a mediator of conflicts but as an instigator.

I believe the way for our National Assembly to regain public trust

is all contained in the 'Code of Ethics for Members of the National Assembly.'

I have only seen the Code of Ethics in one place?in the National Assembly bathhouse.

From now on, how about mandatorily reading or pledging the Code of Ethics

at the opening of plenary sessions or important events,

and posting it in key places in the National Assembly main building?

I have never officially read the Code of Ethics for Members of the National Assembly since becoming a lawmaker,

so I will read it once here.

Let's read it together.

"Members of the National Assembly, as representatives entrusted with state affairs by the sovereign people, pledge to faithfully perform their duties according to conscience, earn the trust of the people, further enhance the honor and authority of the National Assembly, contribute to the development of democratic politics and the promotion of national prosperity, and hereby establish the Code of Ethics to be observed by members of the National Assembly."

1. We cultivate character and insight as representatives of the people, maintain the dignity of lawmakers by observing etiquette, and faithfully represent the people's will.

2. We serve the people as public servants, performing duties sincerely with a spirit of prioritizing public interest for the promotion of freedom and welfare of the people, and do not pursue private interests.

3. As public officials, we do not seek improper gains or exert undue influence related to our duties, and lead by example in living a clean and frugal life.

4. As members of the National Assembly, we guarantee fair conditions and equal opportunities in political activities among ourselves, resolve issues through sufficient debate, and strive to create a sound political culture by observing due process.

5. As responsible politicians, we take clear responsibility to the people for all our public and private actions at any time.

From now on, I will reflect on the current state of our National Assembly in light of this Code of Ethics.

With the attitude of writing a confession,

I have tried to maintain maximum objectivity, but

if Democratic Party lawmakers find this offensive,

please understand it as sincere advice to the Democratic Party, which was the ruling party during the previous government and is still the largest party in the National Assembly.

(1) Law violations and judicial processing of politicians

The first reason for distrust in the National Assembly I want to point out is

that many politicians face serious criminal allegations, including corruption.

According to the Citizens' Coalition for Economic Justice's tally, as of December 14, 2022,

there have been as many as 88 cases involving 21st National Assembly members and their spouses

who have been investigated or are currently under investigation or trial.

These include lawmakers involved in illegal real estate speculation revealed after the LH scandal,

violations of election laws and political funding laws in the 21st general election,

and various corruption allegations.

By party distribution, the two major parties in the National Assembly, the People Power Party and the Democratic Party, are similar.

Some have already been acquitted, and some cases are minor.

Even considering these circumstances,

it is very shameful that lawmakers, who are required to uphold the highest ethics and conscience,

have more legal violations than ordinary citizens.

Especially regardless of party affiliation,

the fact that Lee Jae-myung, leader of the Democratic Party of Korea,

is facing various corruption allegations greatly damages not only the Democratic Party but also the entire National Assembly's prestige.

(2) Rude and harsh language

Deep public distrust of politics and the National Assembly largely stems from politicians' rude and abusive language.

The abusive language of our lawmakers is so shameful that it is embarrassing to even mention here.

They recklessly call opposing parties or lawmakers 'ignorant fools,' 'psychopaths,'

or 'garbage trash.'

During questioning, sarcastic or defamatory remarks are frequent.

It is rare to find statements from leadership or spokespersons in various meetings without harsh or defamatory language.

In the UK Parliament, words like 'liar' and 'hypocrite' directed at other members are prohibited and punished depending on the severity.

The US House of Representatives has even passed a resolution condemning inappropriate language use.

(3) Fake news

Nowadays, due to mobile environments and social media,

fake news spreads worldwide instantly.

As a result, mobile and internet platforms have become representative spaces where evil overcomes good.

Our National Assembly also produces fake news.

Examples include 'allegations of a drinking party in Cheongdam-dong involving the President and the Minister of Justice,'

and 'distortion of statements by Fernandez, the EU Ambassador to Korea.'

This was because they hastily tried to politically exploit fake news without thoroughly verifying the truth.

(4) Loss of function of the National Assembly Ethics Committee

Our National Assembly has a Special Ethics Committee,

but it has long lost its function as the highest body upholding National Assembly ethics

and has become a tool for political strife itself.

Since the 18th National Assembly, 177 disciplinary requests have been submitted to the Ethics Committee over 15 years,

but only two have been approved by the plenary session,

and only one disciplinary case was processed after the Ethics Committee's approval.

In the 21st National Assembly, 33 disciplinary cases have been submitted so far,

but it took four months just to form the Ethics Committee in the latter half,

and after three years, no conclusions have been reached.

Of these, 29 cases involve violations of the 'duty to maintain dignity,'

related to insulting remarks against the opposing camp and spreading false information.

Nevertheless, the Ethics Committee has not functioned at all

and has rather degenerated into a means to attack the opposing party.

Normalization of the Ethics Committee is urgent.

(5) Judicialization of politics

As political strife intensifies,

the judicialization of politics is worsening.

Political disputes are not resolved within politics,

but are recklessly taken to court.

Politicians do not solve problems politically,

but flood the system with lawsuits and accusations.

Among 2,001 election offenders in the 20th presidential election,

1,313 (65%) were involved in lawsuits and accusations,

more than three times the number in the 19th presidential election.

Currently, there are over 100 unresolved lawsuits and accusations between parties.

Our parties' excessive lawsuits and accusations

lower the authority and dignity of the National Assembly themselves.

The judicialization of politics means the end of politics.

(6) Laziness

Quantitatively, our National Assembly seems to do a lot of work.

The 20th National Assembly proposed about 6,000 bills per year on average,

and passed about 800.

This is overwhelmingly higher compared to the US, a large country, which proposed 5,000 and passed 460.

However, looking at the quality of laws produced by our National Assembly,

we cannot be proud.

Many bills only insert declarative provisions or make simple wording changes.

There are too many unnecessary proposals that expire without enactment.

In the 20th National Assembly, 62.2% of bills expired due to term expiration.

In short, our National Assembly is wasting effort.

By focusing only on legislative achievements without deep consideration,

many poor-quality bills have been passed,

and many have been ruled unconstitutional or incompatible with the Constitution.

As of January 11, 2023, 22 bills are unconstitutional and 19 are constitutionally incompatible,

awaiting revision by our National Assembly.

Yet, our National Assembly is not rushing alternative legislation.

This is a clear dereliction of duty by the National Assembly.

When a bill is ruled unconstitutional or incompatible,

it is the National Assembly's duty, which must respect the Constitution above all, to promptly enact alternative legislation.

(7) Naeronambul (double standards)

Another important cause of distrust in the National Assembly is the so-called Naeronambul.

Our parties often show inconsistency between words and actions,

between past and present, and between ruling and opposition periods.

This is especially prominent in the Democratic Party.

Former professor Kang Jun-man once said,

"I stopped compiling Naeronambul cases of the Democratic Party halfway because almost everything was Naeronambul."

In other words, the entire five years of the Democratic Party administration was a history of Naeronambul.

Let's look at each category.

First, personnel Naeronambul.

The Democratic Party refused to adopt confirmation reports for 17 cases under the Lee Myung-bak administration and 10 under the Park Geun-hye administration

due to reasons such as draft evasion, tax evasion, false address registration, real estate speculation, and research misconduct.

However, at the beginning of the Democratic Party administration in May 2017,

they presented 'five exclusion criteria for personnel' and pledged to adhere to them,

yet many high-ranking public office candidates, including Prime Minister nominee Lee Nak-yeon,

were appointed despite allegations related to the five major corruptions.

In November 2019, they added sexual crimes and drunk driving to make 'seven exclusion criteria,'

but with various exceptions, the criteria were effectively relaxed,

and few candidates were excluded.

President Moon Jae-in appointed 34 minister-level or higher officials without opposition consent,

the highest number in history.

Then, when President Yoon Suk-yeol was elected,

the Democratic Party threatened, "We will firmly give a red card to disqualified persons who lack the ability and qualifications to serve the people."

Next, financial Naeronambul.

In September 2015, Moon Jae-in, then leader of the New Politics Alliance for Democracy,

criticized the 2016 budget of the Park Geun-hye administration, saying

the national debt ratio had broken the 40% GDP threshold considered the fiscal soundness limit,

and that a budget without fiscal soundness recovery was unacceptable.

However, after taking power, they questioned the basis of the 40% standard,

and pursued unprecedented populist expansionary fiscal policies throughout their term,

leading to a national debt exceeding 1,000 trillion won,

with the national debt ratio reaching nearly 46.9% by the end of 2021.

Next, legislative Naeronambul.

When the Democratic Party was in opposition in 2016, they labeled the Anti-Terrorism Act as a bad law infringing human rights,

and 38 members filibustered for nine days.

However, after becoming the ruling party, they neither amended it nor opposed it,

and in September 2020, as the ruling party, they even proposed a terrifying amendment

that classified refusal of infectious disease testing and treatment as terrorism.

Conversely, they show no interest when ruling but rush legislation when in opposition.

Broadcasting Act, Grain Management Act, and Yellow Envelope Act are representative cases.

Next, clearing deep-rooted evils Naeronambul.

The Democratic Party created organizations to clear deep-rooted evils in each ministry immediately after taking power,

expelled and imprisoned officials from previous governments in government and public institutions.

The Blue House Chief of Staff and Political Secretary were indicted for creating a blacklist.

Meanwhile, the Democratic Party government shamelessly created blacklists.

When prosecutors indicted several ministers and Blue House aides of the Moon administration for this,

the Democratic Party angrily called it political revenge,

and changed their stance, saying, "Even institutional problems inevitably arising under a single five-year presidential system were retaliated by indictments."

Such convenient memory.

We cannot omit mentioning Lee Jae-myung's Naeronambul.

As mayor of Seongnam, Lee said we should create a country where even the president is arrested if guilty,

and proposed handcuffing former President Park Geun-hye at the Blue House gate and sending her to jail.

Yet, Lee now claims legitimate investigations into his various allegations are political oppression.

The Democratic Party pledged to give up parliamentary immunity,

and the public is watching whether Lee Jae-myung will keep that promise.

Finally, the Democratic Party's hypocrisy about democracy.

The Democratic Party has been a party with great contributions to democratization through long opposition and democratic struggles.

Its name has always included 'Democratic,'

and it has enjoyed many benefits as an asset.

In short, democracy is the core value and asset of the Democratic Party.

But can the current Democratic Party proudly use the word democracy?

The Democratic Party government came to power advocating candlelight democracy and fairness.

But it was far from democracy and fairness.

The falsehood of candlelight democracy was revealed even before the Democratic Party government took office.

Former lawmaker Kim Kyung-soo and the Druking group manipulated public opinion on a large scale,

helping Moon Jae-in's election.

The Democratic Party government also directly intervened in the Ulsan mayoral election.

To elect Song Cheol-ho, a 30-year friend of President Moon,

eight Blue House secretariat organizations forced an investigation against then-mayor Kim Ki-hyun,

bribed Song's intra-party competitors, and even created election pledges for Song.

How can they trample on the flower of democracy and still utter the word democracy?

I was surprised by the huge difference in perception when I heard the phrase "collapse of democracy built by the people" in the respected Park Hong-geun floor leader's speech yesterday.

An important pillar supporting democracy is the existence of an independent judiciary.

However, under Chief Justice Kim Myung-soo, the judiciary lost independence,

became a servant of the executive, and turned into a political arena.

Rule of law has been widely damaged.

Attorney Kwon Kyung-ae, once a member of the Citizens' Coalition for Economic Justice and Minbyun, called the Democratic Party government period a "time of lawlessness."

Chief Justice Kim Myung-soo lacks judicial administrative experience and belief in judicial independence and neutrality.

Trials must be not only fair but appear fair.

However, Chief Justice Kim formed factions within the judiciary composed of members from the Our Law Research Association and International Human Rights Law Association,

and appointed them to key positions regardless of ability.

Kim Myung-soo is an unprecedented Chief Justice without prior Supreme Court justice experience,

who repeatedly damaged the judiciary's honor through lies and inappropriate behavior,

and destroyed the court by abolishing the court president recommendation system and judge promotion system.

Together with Judge Kim Mi-ri of the Seoul Central District Court,

he delayed trials related to the Blue House's interference in the Ulsan mayoral election,

delaying the realization of justice.

The Cho Kuk incident revealed that all state philosophies of the Democratic Party government

were lies and deception.

The crimes of the Cho Kuk family caused deep anger and frustration among all citizens.

The behavior of the pro-Moon faction blindly defending the Cho Kuk family was even more astonishing.

They tried to destroy the prosecution itself to block current and future investigations into the administration.

Ministers Choo Mi-ae and Park Beom-gye, successors to Minister of Justice Cho Kuk, took on that role.

In 75 years of Korean history, the exercise of investigative authority was unprecedentedly abused four times, severely damaging the prosecution.

Especially Minister Park Beom-gye admitted, "I am a ruling party lawmaker before being Minister of Justice,"

acknowledging he was a vanguard of the pro-Moon faction rather than a national minister.

Constitutionally, lawmakers can concurrently serve as Cabinet members or Prime Minister,

but during election periods, to ensure neutral election management,

it has been customary to replace the Prime Minister, Minister of Justice, and Minister of the Interior with neutral figures.

Looking at past election periods since democratization, the Democratic Party government leads with six cases of lawmakers holding these posts.

Moreover, they filled the Prime Minister, Justice, and Interior Minister posts with current or affiliated Democratic Party lawmakers, an unprecedented act.

How can they talk about fairness after this?

The Democratic Party has always claimed to be a human rights party,

but they are not qualified.

The forced repatriation of North Korean fishermen and the killing of South Korean officials in the West Sea

show that President Moon and the Democratic Party were willing to abandon human rights principles for political purposes.

Human rights were just lip service.

The Democratic Party is also blocking the normal launch of the North Korean Human Rights Foundation,

which is unacceptable for a human rights party.

The North Korean Human Rights Act was enacted in September 2016,

and the foundation was established accordingly,

but the board has not been formed, delaying full launch.

This is because the Democratic Party refused to recommend its board members.

Despite requests from our party and the Ministry of Unification,

the Democratic Party has not budged.

The Democratic Party has missed four UN North Korean human rights resolutions,

showing their human rights stance stops in front of North Korea.

The center of modern democratic countries is the legislature.

However, since the Democratic Party secured an overwhelming majority in the 20th general election,

our parliamentary democracy has rapidly collapsed.

In 2012, the so-called National Assembly Advancement Act was passed by bipartisan agreement,

shifting the decision-making principle from simple majority to prioritizing consensus.

There are several core elements supporting the consensus system:

restrictions on the Speaker's prerogative to introduce bills,

a bill coordination committee composed equally of ruling and opposition members requiring two-thirds approval,

and unlimited debate.

However, as soon as the Democratic Party secured an overwhelming majority,

they nullified most of these core elements, hollowing out parliamentary democracy.

First, nullifying the bill coordination committee through disguised party switching or mobilizing independent lawmakers has become the Democratic Party's trademark.

Especially in the case of expelling lawmaker Yang Hyang-ja and causing lawmaker Min Hyung-bae to leave the party and join the Legislation and Judiciary Committee to pass the 'complete prosecution reform' law,

the Democratic Party's true face of cunning and trickery was fully revealed.

There are five or six more such tricks.

How can they still call it the Advancement Act?

Unlimited debate is the last resort for minority parties to resist the majority's unilateral dominance.

Our People Power Party also engaged in unlimited debate against the Democratic Party's forced passage of the 'complete prosecution reform' law, following the mixed-member proportional representation law and the Corruption Investigation Office law.

However, the Democratic Party abused National Assembly law provisions to split sessions into small parts, an unprecedented 'salami tactic,'

nullifying even our last appeal.

Democracy is maintained by restraint and tolerance.

The Democratic Party repeatedly commits outrages that distort and twist the rule of law, lacking restraint and tolerance.

Politics must start with the character 信 (trust).

If one word is untrue, a thousand words are useless.

Restoring 'trust' in our National Assembly is the way to regain public trust.

3. The Reality of Fear

Respected citizens and fellow lawmakers,

Our country is now facing a serious economic crisis due to global supply chain problems caused by the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine war.

But behind this economic crisis, a much more fundamental major crisis is underway.

Security crisis, climate crisis, demographic crisis, and so on.

These crises, unlike temporary ones, threaten the survival and sustainability of the Republic of Korea itself.

Whenever I think about these crises,

fear overwhelms me, and I worry deeply about the country's future.

(1) Security crisis

It has been 30 years since the North Korean nuclear crisis began.

During the past 30 years, North Korea has never abandoned its nuclear development will,

and has continued to enhance its nuclear capabilities,

effectively becoming a nuclear-armed state.

On the other hand, we have lacked a consistent national strategy transcending political parties,

changing strategic policies with each regime change between conservatives and progressives,

leading to national division.

China's rise and Russia's expansionism

have made our already threatened diplomacy and security due to North Korea even more difficult.

Have we properly reviewed and reflected on the failure of North Korea policy?

How urgently and seriously are we responding to this new security challenge?

Historically, we have faced many foreign invasions,

among which the Imjin War, the Byeongja Horan, and the Eulsa Treaty are our most tragic memories.

The common feature of these national crises is

that national leaders failed to properly read changing world affairs,

failed to establish appropriate national strategies,

and even divided in front of foreign enemies.

During the Imjin War,

Japan rapidly increased its national power and military strength after the Warring States period,

but our leaders ignored Yulgok's theory of raising 100,000 troops and were absorbed in factional fights,

leading to seven years of devastation by Japanese invaders.

About hundreds of thousands of the approximately 11 million Joseon people lost their lives.

During the Byeongja Horan,

the court failed to grasp the great change from Ming to Qing,

and stubbornly maintained Confucian vassal diplomacy toward Ming,

leading King Injo to perform the humiliating three bows and nine kowtows at Samjeondo.

Hundreds of thousands of people were taken to Qing,

and the tragedy of 'returnee women' originated then.

From the late 19th century to the Eulsa Treaty in 1910,

our national leaders failed to reform collapsing internal affairs such as the Three Disasters,

failed to read the civilizational change of Western imperialism,

and divided into isolationists and reformists,

or pro-China, pro-Russia, and pro-Japan factions,

ultimately leading to national ruin.

Yet, we have been in the midst of this huge historical event that will bring fatal consequences to the country,

but have not recognized or prepared for its gravity.

Like a frog in boiling water, we have been oblivious and irresponsible,

fighting among ourselves while the world changes.

This is what frightens me.

Can we confidently say we are not like this now?

Are we thinking, "The government will handle it," "It won't be that bad,"

"Someone else will take care of it if not me"?

(2) Climate crisis

The climate crisis and the 'Carbon Neutrality 2050' response

are huge challenges requiring not only industrial transformation but a civilizational shift.

To achieve Carbon Neutrality 2050,

the world must reduce carbon emissions by about 7% annually.

In 2020, carbon emissions decreased by 7% compared to the previous year,

but that was when almost all activities were halted due to COVID-19.

We must continue such conditions for the next 30 years to achieve Carbon Neutrality 2050.

This will pose even greater difficulties for us, given our high manufacturing sector proportion.

Our steel industry is world-class, but

if we fail to prepare for the EU's carbon border tax to be piloted from October this year,

we will face decline.

The EU's ban on internal combustion engine vehicle sales from 2035

will severely impact our automobile industry.

Everyone talks about carbon neutrality, but no one actually practices it.

There is no visible master plan for feasible carbon neutrality,

and neither the government nor the public fully realizes the urgency, which is the crisis.

(3) Demographic crisis

The low birthrate is one of the most serious problems facing our country

and a national disaster in the making.

Low birthrate budgets were first allocated in 2006,

with a total of 380.2 trillion won spent by 2020.

However, Korea's total fertility rate dropped from 1.48 in 2000

to 0.79 in the third quarter of 2022,

the lowest level globally.

Low birthrate combined with other socioeconomic factors

also causes the fatal consequence of rural extinction.

The proportion of farming households decreased from 6.4% of all households in 2012 to 4.4% in 2021,

and farming population dropped from 5.8% to 4.3% in the same period.

The number of high-risk rural areas for extinction doubled from 22 counties in 2020

to 44 counties as of March 2022.

At this rate, agriculture itself will disappear,

and future agriculture will be nothing but a dream.

Low birthrate is a silent cancer killing the country.

Even if the trend stops immediately,

the damage already done will leave deep scars.

Overcoming low birthrate requires the whole nation.

The National Assembly must urgently tackle this issue.

If the efforts over the past 17 years have been ineffective,

we should not just pour more money in the same way,

but seek other drastic measures.

(4) Social sustainability crisis

Pensions, labor, and education must also be reformed.

I will not elaborate on the necessity of reform.

Reform requires giving up vested interests and sacrifices.

Therefore, resistance is considerable.

But we cannot give up.

The sooner, the better.

There is no time to hesitate.

If these issues are not reformed early,

Korea will be unsustainable and regress.

4. Closing Remarks

But are we taking these serious problems seriously and responding strictly?

Does our National Assembly have the ability to make timely and proper decisions and responses to these critical issues?

Most of the problems we face are old,

but we have not made proper decisions so far,

and I fear we will not in the future.

It is often said that Korea's presidential system and two-party structure

create a political environment where parties must constantly attack the opposition to gain power.

If this is the problem and there is no other way,

we must fix it this time.

But I believe that even under the current power and party structure,

if we sincerely worry about national challenges and their urgency,

we can do better than now.

We all will eventually leave politics.

What use is regret after leaving politics?

The National Assembly must always consider

whether it can make the best decisions on national tasks in a timely manner,

and check whether we are doing our best.

Politics and life are finite, but

Korea must be eternal.

Professor Kim Hyung-seok said,

"I hope that 50 years later, if I were born again,

the people of Korea would be happy, fulfilled, and live valuable lives."

Are you not afraid that 50 years from now, we will be recorded as incompetent and irresponsible ancestors?

Can we not have politics that future generations praise as leading Korea's national fortune to a new leap?

Our Republic of Korea has proudly joined the ranks of advanced countries

through the sweat of its people and efforts of past governments.

Now is the time to soar higher as a global pivotal nation.

If we overcome the crises and challenges ahead,

Korea will become a world-leading pivotal country no one can rival.

The future of the country depends on our National Assembly.

Now, our National Assembly must resist the threats of factional and fandom politics,

expand the foundation of consensus politics,

and restore its original position as the center of national unity.

We must restore the spirit of negotiation and compromise,

and develop political ability to process bills through fact- and reason-based debate.

The National Assembly must become a melting pot of thoughts and values.

Different thoughts and values should not cause conflict,

but blend to create a higher-level general will.

We lead the world in many fields such as K-Pop, K-Sports, K-Culture, and K-Food.

Why must Korean politics remain fourth-rate?

Shouldn't we create a tipping point starting now?

Before important or meaningful tasks,

politicians visit the National Cemetery where patriotic ancestors and war heroes who sacrificed their lives for the country and people rest.

We must remember their patriotism.

At the same time, we must remember the deep sorrow and urgency felt

seeing many lives lost due to mistakes by national leaders.

Finally, I want to ask the lawmakers once again.

Do we truly feel how urgent our national tasks are?

Are we doing our best?

Thank you for listening for a long time.