[Mokhee Lee's Homo Politicus] The Descent from Power Requires Composure

Mokhee Lee, Asia Economy Senior Editor

"Employees who have not received separate notification, please do not come to work starting tomorrow." On February 25, 1997, the Kim Dae-jung administration was inaugurated. It was the first-ever transfer of power between ruling and opposition parties in Korean history. On the afternoon before the new president’s inauguration, the loudspeakers at the Blue House announced the beginning of a new era of power. The sense of desolation at the Blue House at the end of the outgoing administration seemed to reach its peak.

Once the administration changed hands, the Blue House became increasingly deserted. The Office of Public Affairs (now the Senior Secretary for Public Communication) was no exception. At that time, while serving as the press corps coordinator-a liaison between officials and journalists-a usually reserved secretary asked to meet. He requested, "If you have any matters to discuss during the couple of months before the new ruling group moves into the Blue House, please do so with me." The reality of people who worked at the Blue House by day and reached out to the opposing camp by night was coming to light.

In a single-term presidency, power is not continuous. Even when the ruling party retained power, the former president’s circle was left in solitude. Chun Doo-hwan, Kim Dae-jung, and Lee Myung-bak all witnessed their parties win the presidency. They treated their successors as legitimate heirs. They expected that the new administration would not treat the former president and his associates harshly. However, reality was different. The degree varied, but the pattern remained. It was difficult to boost approval ratings without distancing themselves from the past. Betrayal by one’s own side often hurt even more.

Popular appeal often feeds on anger. The rise of fascism and Nazism in Europe before World War II followed this pattern. American social psychologist Erich Fromm explained it as an "escape from freedom." Human psychology has its twisted side. When a common enemy or scapegoat is created, rational judgment becomes paralyzed. This is true even in exemplary democracies. Former U.S. President Donald Trump exemplifies this phenomenon.

Since the adoption of the five-year single-term presidency, the punishment of previous administrations has become routine. Everyone claims to have been vigilant and cautious during their time in office. However, Korean society is deeply rooted in regional, familial, and academic ties. Presidential power is highly concentrated. The social structure makes it difficult to eradicate corruption. Public expectations for integrity and fairness are rising day by day. Legal retribution is no longer difficult, going beyond mere political criticism.

The problem is that even ordinary citizens have come to believe that "anyone can be sent to prison." Extremists constantly demand that the opposing camp be completely destroyed. Meanwhile, the scope of the law’s guillotine continues to expand. Broad definitions of bribery, abuse of authority, and dereliction of duty apply. Even if the wrongdoing is not clear-cut, the sword of justice always hangs overhead. This is the background for the rise of reforming investigative authorities such as the prosecution as a social agenda.

Recently, Lee Cheolhee, Senior Presidential Secretary for Political Affairs, expressed a hope. He said he wished President Moon Jae-in would receive a "Munjeonbakdae" send-off when he leaves office. The original meaning was not to be driven out in disgrace. Rather, it referred to being the first president to receive enthusiastic applause upon departure. President Moon is different from previous presidents in some respects. Even as his term nears its end, his approval ratings remain in the 30-40% range. His support base remains solid. The calls for the president to leave the ruling party, which were common at the end of previous administrations, are quiet. He is refraining from pushing for unreasonable measures, such as constitutional amendments for his post-presidency.

Nevertheless, whether he will receive a "Munjeonbakdae" send-off remains uncertain. The so-called "Taegukgi Brigade" in the opposition is loudly calling for retaliation, saying, "Let’s give back as much as we received." The ruling party’s candidate camp is also formidable. There are growing voices arguing for a clear distinction from the current administration, claiming this is necessary to broaden centrist appeal. Already, different opinions are emerging on policies such as real estate. Even in the North Korea policy, to which President Moon is devoting significant effort until the very end, discord may arise.

How should a single-term president conclude the end of their term? One must remain calm and composed. You cannot turn a sunset into a sunrise. Until the end of the Fifth Republic, the "Ttaengjeon News" that praised Chun Doo-hwan persisted. But as soon as his term ended, the propaganda effect disappeared instantly. During the transition of power between Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, tensions ran so high among close aides that real weapons were reportedly aimed at each other. Yet, it was impossible to cling to fading power.

Once the presidential election season begins, the outgoing president inevitably becomes a target of criticism, both from the opposition and the ruling party. There have even been instances in which the ruling party held an effigy-burning ceremony for the president. In the end, presidents often left their own parties. The absence of calls for President Moon to leave the party is itself a significant change.

Recently, Park Soo-hyun, Senior Presidential Secretary for Public Communication, expressed some disappointment toward the ruling party’s candidate for making remarks that differed from current government policy. The degree of differentiation is likely to increase going forward. It is more helpful for presidential aides to respond boldly. Regardless of party affiliation, it is sufficient to correct statements that are factually incorrect. Fact-checking without emotion is key.

Moreover, the president does not need to hold on to people until the very end. Demanding absolute loyalty from those around you is unreasonable. In particular, attempts to build a political faction for post-presidential ambitions have never succeeded. The story of President Duterte’s family may work in the Philippines, but Korean society does not tolerate former presidents engaging in political activities. It only invites a strong backlash.

The greatest challenge for a departing president is managing prosecutorial power. Even now, candidates from both parties are under investigation by the prosecution and the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials (CIO). In some administrations, sitting presidents have resorted to using secret files from intelligence agencies to maintain their grip on power. I have witnessed close aides persistently urging the president to use confidential background information to sway the election. In the days of authoritarian regimes, there was even talk of palace coups.

There is one aspect for which our former presidents deserve recognition: the tradition of maintaining the single-term system without breaking constitutional order. This is the foundation for the resilience of Korean democracy, despite its ups and downs. If legitimate investigations by prosecutors or police uncover wrongdoing, even a presidential candidate cannot cover it up. However, if an incumbent wields prosecutorial power for political purposes until the very end, the country risks falling into extreme chaos. Ensuring the neutrality of the prosecution, police, and CIO is even more important than neutrality in election management.

It is better to calmly wrap up state affairs and hope that the vicious cycle of settling old scores subsides. There must first be a consensus that harassing former presidents and their associates serves no purpose. Talk of revenge should be limited to campaign rhetoric. When partisan logic reaches its peak, change will come.

Mokhee Lee, Asia Economy Senior Editor