[Ask The Era] Democracy Is Fading Away

Politics Stained by Hatred Amid Extreme Opposition
Governance Obsessed with "Eradicating Insurrectionist Forces"
Pressure on the Judiciary and a Public Sector Silenced by Fear
Selective Rule of Law to Eliminate Judicial Risks
Irresponsible Retribution Fueling Division
Restoring Tolerance and Restraint to Reclaim Democracy

"Democracy is the worst form of government, except for all the others that have been tried." This paradoxical quote by Winston Churchill precisely captures both the imperfections and the irreplaceability of democracy. Indeed, democracy is always unsatisfying, cumbersome, and slow. Yet, it is precisely this inconvenience that serves as a safeguard against the arrogance and unchecked power of authority. The problem is that over the past year, this safeguard has been rapidly dismantled in Korean politics. It feels as if only the first half of Churchill's sentence remains, while the latter half has disappeared.

A former president went to prison with his wife, while the person whom many sought to imprison on various charges instead became president. This is a symbolic event that highlights the dramatic reversals and extreme retribution in Korean politics. Although the administration changed, the language of politics has become even harsher, and the system is being tainted as a tool for vengeance. During ministry work briefings broadcast live to the entire nation, the president freely uses words like "thief" and "villain," and some media outlets even feature these terms in their headlines. Never before has the language used in political circles, including the National Assembly, been so vicious and rough. The degradation of politics, the collapse of public discourse, and the erosion of character are spreading across society, causing embarrassment and dismay.

Korean politics has taken a sharp turn. The legislature and executive branch, which once paralyzed state affairs through extreme confrontation, now move as if they are one. The basic principles of democracy-checks and balances, dialogue and compromise, which are the very reasons for the National Assembly's existence-have effectively disappeared. The opposition appears powerless and on the verge of collapse, and even the judiciary, the last bastion of the separation of powers, is precarious under blatant pressure.

The previous administration made grave mistakes. Above all, a fundamental misunderstanding of the presidential system led to the extreme and anachronistic imposition of martial law. Such an event should never have occurred in 21st-century Korea, and the poor preparation not only damaged the nation's status but also embarrassed its people. Although swift action by citizens and the early withdrawal of martial law troops prevented disaster, this incident served as a warning of how easily unchecked presidential power, reckless decisions, and silent aides can plunge a nation into crisis.

Even greater concern lies in the current administration's approach to governance. The obsession with "eradicating insurrectionist forces" has become the top priority, pursued with relentless determination. It took only a few hours to label a two-hour martial law as "insurrection" and seize political and social leadership. The executive branch has become virtually powerless, while Lee Jaemyung, then leader of the Democratic Party, took control of the political landscape. The impeachment ruling on April 4 and the presidential election result on June 3 unfolded as expected. Since then, the judiciary has faced all-out pressure. Despite constitutional controversies, measures such as the establishment of a special court for insurrection cases, increasing the number of Supreme Court justices, abolishing the National Court Administration, and introducing the "distortion of law" offense have been pushed through at breakneck speed. The independence of the judiciary in terms of organization, personnel, and budget has collapsed, and the public denouncement of the Chief Justice and specific judges goes beyond taming the judiciary-it threatens the very foundation of the separation of powers. One wonders if the Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution acted this way. How many judges will be able to suppress their fear and rule according to law, justice, and conscience? I am reminded of my father, who refused to participate in the people's court during the Korean War and hid in the mountains and fields until the North Korean army retreated.

To make matters worse, a sweeping investigation into "insurrection involvement" targeting 750,000 public officials, military, and police personnel has caused the public sector to shrink back. There are signs of an atmosphere of watching one's back, self-censorship, and even mutual denunciation.

The law and principles are applied selectively. Following martial law orders makes one a "political soldier," while refusing to comply with the abandonment of the Daejang-dong appeal makes one a "political prosecutor." The personal information of judges, who should be protected, is thoroughly exposed, while the basic backgrounds of key presidential aides, which should be made public as government officials, are kept tightly hidden. Such cases are unheard of in a democratic country. The goddess of justice, Justitia, covers her eyes and holds a sword to signify impartiality, but in this administration, justice seems to be wielded as a sword for division. Under the pretext of democratic control, the prosecution's indictment and investigative powers have been separated, effectively making it a subordinate agency of the executive branch. The prosecution, which has existed since the founding of the Republic of Korea, is being dismantled in an instant without sufficient discussion or public input. What is the rush? A yardstick bent before power directly threatens the roots of democracy.

The purpose of this obsession is clear: to secure a favorable position in the upcoming election and structurally eliminate the judicial risks surrounding the president as an individual. The "insurrectionist forces" narrative is an easy way to divide the people into good and evil, mobilize hatred and fear, and rally supporters. Outwardly, it is the most effective means of controlling the community, but as time passes, the truth stirs and the mask is removed. Moreover, if the "insurrection witch hunt" continues for more than a year, the public will become weary and public opinion will turn. Politics focused solely on retribution, without presenting new hope or vision, is merely another name for incompetence and irresponsibility.

The challenges are piling up: securing energy and nurturing talent to become a global leader in artificial intelligence (AI), diplomatic and security strategies amid North Korea's nuclear threat and U.S.-China tensions, restoring trust with the United States and trade negotiations, low birth rates and an aging population, the decline of public education and the proliferation of private academies, weakening international competitiveness, and more. While the axis of governance remains stuck on hatred, punishment, and division, the present is neglected and the future slips away.

The National Assembly has also lost its pride as the representative institution of the people. The power of the majority has become synonymous with justice, and the legislature is turning into a custom law-making machine for those in power. The opposition has become a hollow shell, unable to reflect even the public sentiment represented by its number of seats, let alone its share of the vote in the last general election. The separation of powers is now little more than an empty name.

"Revolution" is an alluring word. This government also declared a "revolution of light." However, when institutions are dismantled and opponents are eliminated in the name of revolution, what remains is not freedom but ruin. Just as Robespierre, the star of the French Revolution, met his end at the very guillotine he established, justice without restraint inevitably leads to self-destruction.

What is now needed is the restoration of tolerance and restraint. These are the virtues of a democratic leader. Democracy is imperfect, but the moment we destroy it, we will suffer even more under a far more dangerous system. We must swiftly return to a liberal democracy where the three branches of government respect each other and coexist in trust, rather than a pseudo-democracy where the National Assembly is a rubber stamp and the judiciary is crushed.

With Christmas and the end of the year approaching, I am reminded of a verse from Genesis: "And there was evening, and there was morning-the first day." I contemplate why evening comes first.

This is the dark evening of democracy. May the bright morning of democracy soon arrive!

Kim Hyongo, Former Speaker of the National Assembly