[US New Security Strategy ①] China Still a Challenger, Russia Still a Threat... Only the US Perspective Has Changed

Focus on 'Balance of Power' over Global Hegemony
"A Departure from the Basic Premise of the Past Decade"
China as an Economic Competitor... More Friendly Toward Russia

"The era when the United States upheld the world order like Atlas has come to an end."

On December 5, the National Security Strategy (NSS) of the Donald Trump administration was released. The United States has set a new principle of pursuing a "balance of power" instead of competing for global hegemony with China and Russia. This 33-page NSS is the first strategic security guideline issued by the U.S. in three years, since the previous Biden administration's document in 2022.

The NSS is the highest-level security strategy document that the U.S. President is required to draft and make public. It outlines the threats, objectives, and response methods of the United States, drawing global attention. Under the Goldwater-Nichols Act enacted in 1986, the White House submits the NSS to Congress approximately every four years.

This year, the Trump administration has made the defense of Taiwan the top priority in Indo-Pacific security issues, urging allied nations to expand their roles and increase defense spending. Of particular relevance to South Korea are the following points: ▲ the defense of the First Island Chain and the strategy to deter Taiwan-related conflicts ▲ containment of China and economic/trade strategies ▲ the removal of references to North Korean denuclearization and changes in priorities ▲ and the designation of South Korea as a key ally.

Changed Relations with China and Russia

The most significant difference lies in the U.S. perspective toward Russia and China. The Brookings Institution, a U.S. think tank, noted that this NSS "marks a departure from the basic premise of U.S. diplomacy over the past decade, which defined China as a 'pacing challenge' and Russia as an 'acute threat,'" predicting that the scope of future policy changes could be even greater.

The United States mentioned China 19 times, expressing its intent to keep China in check. It identified China's industrial subsidies, trade imbalances, intellectual property (IP) theft, threats to resource supply chains, and exports of fentanyl precursors as risk factors. At the same time, it encouraged major countries such as Europe, Japan, and South Korea to restructure their economies from export-driven to consumption-driven models. The strategy also emphasized economic diplomacy centered on reciprocal tariffs and the strengthening of border controls.

In the 2017 NSS under the first Trump administration, China was defined as "a competitor seeking to shape a world antithetical to U.S. values and interests, eroding security and prosperity through weakened power and influence," reflecting an aggressive and hardline stance. The Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) pointed out that the new NSS defines China not as a geopolitical threat, but almost as an "economic competitor," aiming to establish a "mutually beneficial economic relationship" with China.

Toward Russia, the NSS adopted a more overtly "friendly" attitude. It sharply criticized European allies, even using the term "civilizational erasure," and positioned far-right parties as partners. Notably, the near absence of references to Russia's invasion of Ukraine, nuclear threats, or treaty violations in the NSS was described by the Brookings Institution as "the scenario Russia had hoped for."

‘Donloism’ Reaffirmed... North Korean Denuclearization No Longer a U.S. Priority

President Trump's characteristic isolationist tendencies were also strongly reflected. The new "Monroe Doctrine" can be seen as an expanded and revised version of the original Monroe Doctrine, which advocated isolationism by refraining from involvement in 19th-century European conflicts and focusing on national interests in the Americas. Some have coined the term "Donloism," combining "Donald" with "Monroeism."

One notable aspect is the emphasis on "self-reliant defense" for allied nations. The NSS explicitly states that defending the First Island Chain (Okinawa-Taiwan-Philippines-Malacca Strait) is a core objective. The United States has called on its allies to increase their own defense spending to strengthen collective defense capabilities, setting the deterrence of conflict over Taiwan as the highest priority and declaring, "We do not support any unilateral change to Taiwan's status." While confirming that the role of U.S. Forces Korea will not be drastically reduced, the NSS also called for expanded access to allied ports and facilities.

For South Korea, which remains in a state of armistice, there are worrisome elements. Not only was North Korean denuclearization omitted, but the word "North Korea" was not mentioned even once. This stands in stark contrast to the Biden administration's 2022 NSS, which mentioned North Korea three times and stated, "We will pursue diplomacy for the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula while strengthening extended deterrence (nuclear umbrella)." Previously, China's "White Paper on Arms Control" released in November also omitted the phrase "denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula," leading to assessments that both the U.S. and China lack the will to address the issue.

The United States also called for the modernization of alliances in the NSS, designating South Korea as a key ally in its Indo-Pacific deterrence strategy. It also called for South Korea to expand its role in reducing trade deficits, infrastructure cooperation, and the defense of Taiwan.

Emily Harding, Deputy Director for Defense and Security at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), commented, "The Trump administration is trying to establish an 'America First' foreign policy, which is very pragmatic but perhaps shortsighted," adding, "Such self-centered decisions today risk leading the United States toward a future that is more isolated, weaker, and more divided in the long term."