Cheon Haram: "Investigate Lawmakers Demanding Cho Hui-dae's Resignation First, They Should Put Their Positions on the Line" [Current Affairs Show]

"The Democratic Party's Call for Resignation Driven by Vengeance Toward the Judiciary"
"Possibility Remains That the Democratic Party Could Push for Chief Justice's Impeachment"
"President Lee Talks Centrist Unity, But His Actions Tell a Different S

■ Broadcast: 'So Jongsup's Current Affairs Show' (Monday to Friday, 4 PM)

■ Host: Political Specialist So Jongsup ■ Director: Producer Lee Miri

■ Guest: Cheon Haram, Floor Leader of the Reform New Party (September 19)

■ If you quote any part of this content, please cite 'So Jongsup's Current Affairs Show'

So Jongsup: Welcome to 'So Jongsup's Current Affairs Show.' Today, we will be discussing various recent political developments and the movements of the ruling and opposition parties with Cheon Haram, Floor Leader of the Reform New Party. Assemblyman Cheon, thank you for joining us despite your busy schedule.

Cheon Haram: Thank you for inviting me.

So Jongsup: I think we need to start with this topic. The Democratic Party, as the ruling party, is putting significant pressure on the judiciary, especially Chief Justice Cho Heedae. What is your perspective?

Cheon Haram: Those who are shouting 'Resign, undergo investigation' should be the first to step down and be investigated themselves. Lawmakers like Seo Youngkyo and Boo Seungchan should be prepared to give up their seats. I believe these individuals, who are playing a conspiratorial loudspeaker role, should be investigated first. Regarding the audio played by Assemblywoman Seo Youngkyo at the Legislation and Judiciary Committee, it turns out it was not a real recording but an AI-generated voice file. It was created using AI. Moreover, a specific YouTube channel released it, explicitly stating that it was made using AI and not an actual recording, and even warned viewers accordingly.

However, these lawmakers played the file at the Judiciary Committee without informing the public that it was AI-generated, using it recklessly to target Chief Justice Cho Heedae. Such actions-hiding behind parliamentary immunity to launch low-level, petty attacks on the Chief Justice-are, in my opinion, exactly the kind of behavior that should lead to resignation.

Calling for the resignation of the Chief Justice is a very grave matter. It should be done with one's position on the line, shouldn't it? Lawmakers are not invincible, yet even the President is now saying, 'Elected power is superior.' But when the quality of elected officials is this poor, how can anyone claim that elected power is above all? I truly believe these people need to be re-educated.

So Jongsup: The lawmakers making these claims have not provided any additional evidence or verification. Why do you think they continue to demand Chief Justice Cho Heedae's resignation and investigation?

"The Democratic Party is demanding Chief Justice Cho Heedae's resignation out of vengeance against the judiciary"

Cheon Haram: There are two reasons. First, it's vengeance against the judiciary. When people are driven by vengeance, they can't see things clearly. The second reason is that they want to create shorts for social media. Even if they face backlash later, they want to appeal to their hardcore supporters first. When vengeance and a craving for attention combine, they can't see the consequences. This situation is even worse than the Cheongdam-dong cellist incident. It's worse than YouTube. At least YouTube fulfilled its duty to inform the public, but lawmakers have done even less.

They should have told the public, 'This is an AI-generated voice, and it hasn't been verified yet.' If they had at least said that, it would be understandable, but instead, they just played it and claimed, 'There's plenty of other evidence,' making lawmakers look like even less credible loudspeakers than YouTubers. I think calls to abolish parliamentary immunity will become much stronger. These people will end up hindering the proper legislative activities of other lawmakers.

Cheon Haram, floor leader of the Reform New Party, is appearing on Asia Economy's current affairs show interviewing So Jongsup, a specialist. Photo by Heo Younghan

So Jongsup: Assemblywoman Seo Youngkyo said the source was a trustworthy person from the previous administration's civil affairs line, and the Democratic Party's spokesperson said the same. What do you think about the possibility of another source?

The burden of proof lies with those making the accusations; attacking the judiciary without evidence is irresponsible

Cheon Haram: That's nonsense. Even if that were true, it's the same file that appeared on Open Sympathy TV. The file itself is identical. At the very least, they should have disclosed that it was an AI recording. Why hide it? That's where trust collapses. If there were another source, given how much pressure they're under, they would have revealed it by now. Why not make it public? Then, Representative Jeong Cheongrae says, 'If you're innocent, undergo an investigation to prove it.' That's absurd. The burden of proof lies with those making the accusations. They're blinded by vengeance and just throwing accusations recklessly. If a ruling party lawmaker raises suspicions about the Supreme Court without even basic fact-checking or cross-checking, that's a serious problem. Attacking the judiciary without evidence is irresponsible.

So Jongsup: So you believe the rumor about a meeting between Chief Justice Cho Heedae and Prime Minister Han Ducksoo is completely false?

Cheon Haram: That's correct. Chief Justice Cho Heedae is known in legal circles for his integrity. Even during his confirmation hearing, the Democratic Party praised him highly. For such a person to meet Prime Minister Han Ducksoo at such a sensitive time? That's nonsense.

So Jongsup: Representative Jeong Cheongrae says that since suspicions have been raised, Chief Justice Cho Heedae should simply undergo a special investigation into insurrection to clear his name.

Cheon Haram: If that's the case, I could make up suspicions about Representative Jeong Cheongrae in 30 minutes. Just fabricate something and then say, 'There are suspicions about you, so go undergo a special investigation.' How is that any different?

So Jongsup: Some argue that the Supreme Court gave the opposition an excuse by overturning the lower court's decision in President Lee Jaemyung's case. What do you think?

Cheon Haram: It's true that the prosecution's decision not to appeal was questionable, but if there are doubts about a specific case, there's an appeals process in place. We've already established that system. Just because a particular court ruling or decision seems odd doesn't mean we should break up or reform the judiciary, or create a special court under the legislature. The appeals process exists for a reason. At the core, this is about vengeance over the Supreme Court's guilty verdict against President Lee Jaemyung. That's why they're attacking Chief Justice Cho Heedae, demanding an investigation, and insisting he prove his innocence. Fundamentally, it's about resentment over President Lee Jaemyung's trial and verdict.

Cheon Haram, floor leader of the Reform New Party, is appearing on Asia Economy's current affairs show interviewing So Jongsup, a specialist. Photo by Heo Younghan

So Jongsup: What are your thoughts on that trial?

Cheon Haram: Let's look back. If the Democratic Party had questioned why things were being rushed before the presidential election, I could accept that to some extent. But when the Supreme Court convened the full bench quickly to deliver a verdict, the Democratic Party said it was a good opportunity to resolve judicial risks and praised the court for acting swiftly. Now that the result isn't to their liking, how is that any different from blaming the referee after losing a soccer match?

The Supreme Court, if it really wanted to intervene in the presidential election, could have overturned the lower court's ruling and disqualified the candidate. But instead, the Supreme Court wanted to expedite public office election law cases so that, in a major democratic event like a presidential election, the public would not have to make choices without knowing the candidate's criminal charges. The Supreme Court made it clear whether a crime was established. If the public chooses knowing that, so be it. But leaving things ambiguous would be irresponsible on the judiciary's part.

Going beyond simply expressing dissatisfaction, attacking Chief Justice Cho Heedae in such a low and vile manner and undermining the separation of powers by claiming elected power is superior is truly destructive to democracy. I am genuinely angry about this.

So Jongsup: Do you think the Democratic Party will push for the impeachment of the Chief Justice?

It is possible the Democratic Party could push for the Chief Justice's impeachment

Cheon Haram: Rationally, you'd think they wouldn't. But these days, rational predictions are often wrong. I think they might.

The Democratic Party is not focused on the public, but rather on its hardcore supporters, especially the so-called 'Gaeddal' faction. Following that logic, now that their use of AI voices and lack of evidence has been exposed, they've lost face. If they were rational, they would back down, but the Democratic Party tends to double down. They might decide to push even harder.

So Jongsup: What do you think will happen if the Democratic Party continues on this hardline path?

Cheon Haram: Normally, support would drop and there would be backlash, but that's not really visible right now. That's because the opposition is weak. For the People Power Party, since they haven't fully abandoned the 'Yoon Again' faction, even if the Democratic Party stumbles, it's hard for people to support the People Power Party.

Cheon Haram, floor leader of the Reform New Party, is appearing on Asia Economy's current affairs show interviewing So Jongsup, a specialist. Photo by Heo Younghan

The Reform New Party is also trying to grow as an alternative force, but it's still small, and the public is hesitant to entrust it with the role of the main opposition. So those disappointed with the Democratic Party don't really have anywhere else to go right now. That's a major challenge for the opposition parties. I believe the Democratic Party is accumulating negative karma.

So Jongsup: What do you think of the analysis that the Presidential Office and Representative Jeong Cheongrae appear to be at odds?

Cheon Haram: I think that's an overinterpretation for now. Of course, Representative Jeong Cheongrae is trying to position himself as a presidential contender, but I see it as a bit of a show. He's trying to raise his profile, even if it means taking some criticism, to force the idea that he's on the level of a presidential candidate. But who really sees him that way?

As for the President's supposed centrism, I think that's just an act as well. What has the President actually done that's centrist? Nothing. When there was debate over whether the Serious Crimes Investigation Office should be under the Ministry of the Interior and Safety or the Ministry of Justice, I thought it would be placed under the Ministry of Justice, but it ended up with the Ministry of the Interior and Safety. Now, all investigative agencies are under the Ministry of the Interior and Safety, which is unprecedented and resembles a Chinese-style public security state.

The President talks about centrist integration but has done nothing to achieve it

So my point is that President Lee Jaemyung talks about centrism and integration, but hasn't actually done anything to achieve it. I think even the President is following the 'Gaeddal' faction, and can't stand up to Kim Eo-jun. They pretend to be different, and that works to some extent-the approval ratings are good. But at some point, the public will see through it. In fact, many already have.

President Lee Jaemyung's claim that elected power is superior to appointed power is extremely dangerous. If you push that logic further-look at Hitler, look at Stalin-they were all elected. Why are they judged so harshly by history? Because they destroyed all checks on their power and became dictators holding all three branches. Power, once it's seen as superior, tends to concentrate. Even in political parties, when it's clear where the power lies, everyone gravitates there.

So Jongsup: Let's talk about the People Power Party. The Jang Donghyuk leadership has launched. What are your thoughts?

Cheon Haram, floor leader of the Reform New Party, is appearing on Asia Economy's current affairs show interviewing So Jongsup, a specialist. Photo by Heo Younghan

Cheon Haram: It's a bit ambiguous. After becoming leader, Jang Donghyuk seems to want to move toward the center. But two things are holding him back. First, as you mentioned, he owes a lot from the election process, especially to the 'Yoon Again' faction. So he can't fully move to the center. Second, the Democratic Party needs to behave somewhat reasonably for there to be integration, outreach, and a focus on people's livelihoods. But when the Democratic Party is attacking the Chief Justice and talking about creating special courts, the People Power Party has no choice but to fight back.

The Democratic Party's hardline drive and the debt to the 'Yoon Again' faction are both holding back Jang Donghyuk's attempts to move to the center. That's why he is stuck and will likely have to continue on a hardline path. With nothing else to do, they're resorting to protests. There's nothing else they can do right now.

Within the People Power Party, there doesn't seem to be any real energy or central figure to drive meaningful change. Former leader Han Donghoon tried, but it didn't work out. So now, there's no clear focal point.

So Jongsup: Do you expect any changes in the political landscape before the local elections?

Cheon Haram: I don't think so.

So Jongsup: What are your thoughts on former leader Han Donghoon?

The Reform New Party needs to reach out to Han Donghoon's supporters

Cheon Haram: I haven't had any interaction with former leader Han Donghoon. I've never met him or had a proper conversation about political values. Rather than judging or evaluating Han Donghoon as an individual, what's important is that the Reform New Party needs to keep expanding, and Han Donghoon's supporters, while some may be fans of him personally, are also voters who opposed martial law and supported impeachment. We need to actively persuade and reach out to these people as well.

So Jongsup: Doesn't the Reform New Party need to broaden its appeal across generations and genders?

Cheon Haram: Absolutely. Our leadership recognizes that we don't have any guaranteed constituencies or regions. That's a real challenge. Even among men in their 20s and 30s, we don't have a guaranteed base. I think it was significant in the last presidential election that we gained considerable support from women in their 20s and 30s. In that election, generational issues like the national pension resonated more than gender issues. According to exit polls, support from women in their 20s was higher than the overall average. While we talk about future generations, it's not something only they can relate to. So I think we need to continue expanding our appeal gradually and naturally.

Cheon Haram, floor leader of the Reform New Party, is appearing on Asia Economy's current affairs show interviewing So Jongsup, a specialist. Photo by Heo Younghan

So Jongsup: You serve on the Strategy and Finance Committee. Who do you think is the economic control tower in the Lee Jaemyung administration?

Cheon Haram: I think the Chief of Policy Office seems to have more influence. They also seem to have better skills in dealing with the media and delivering messages. As for Deputy Prime Minister Koo Yooncheol, I'm not sure. Too often, it's 'this works, that works,' without providing clear direction-just trying to get through each situation in the National Assembly. It's very ad hoc and somewhat utopian. There are too many vague or contradictory statements. That's why I don't find them trustworthy.

So Jongsup: The KOSPI index is at an all-time high, and there are reports that the President's ETF return is 26.4%.

Cheon Haram: I think that's a good thing. People said the Yellow Envelope Act would ruin the country, so why are stocks rising? It's because there's a lot of money in circulation and the value of money is falling, so stocks go up. That's obvious. The government is pumping out money, and globally, interest rates are falling. Naturally, with inflation and declining currency value, money flows into asset markets. But for President Lee Jaemyung to claim this is due to his own success is nonsense.

The concentration of wealth in real estate is too severe. It's necessary to support the stock market in the competition between real estate and equities. Boosting the stock market is needed to prevent too much money from flowing into real estate. That's positive. But the real estate market is heating up. Even with loans restricted, top-tier properties are rising in price. That's their world, but as this 'one smart property' phenomenon continues, the balloon effect is intensifying. The real estate market is very volatile right now. This is not something to take lightly.

So Jongsup: Do you think President Lee's economic policies are on the right track?

President Lee is neglecting economic structural reform and taking anti-market actions

Cheon Haram: The Bank of Korea keeps pointing out that we haven't reformed our industrial structure. That's why our potential growth rate continues to fall. But President Lee Jaemyung is not someone who fundamentally improves the economy or makes tough decisions. He's a populist. So until the local elections next year, he'll just try to get by with more spending. Issuing 200 trillion won in government bonds and flooding the market with money might improve the economy in the short term, but is it sustainable? As for fundamental reforms, I doubt it. I think he'll likely brush everything aside under the pretext of AI.

We're also hearing a lot of statements that don't make sense in terms of market principles. For example, saying high-credit borrowers should pay more interest to help low-credit borrowers. But the market has its own logic. And while pressuring companies to invest in the US, the government is pushing through the Yellow Envelope Act and threatening to revoke construction licenses over industrial accidents-these are all anti-market moves. Fatigue is building, and while the government is still early in its term and can push hard, over time, people may stop taking it seriously.

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So Jongsup: Korea and the US are negotiating tariffs, and the government says 'content is more important than speed.'

Cheon Haram: That sounds like something said without understanding Hyundai Motor's situation. Hyundai Motor is paying about 18 billion won a day. How much is that per month? That's why Hyundai's price competitiveness in the US market is said to be falling behind Toyota. Hyundai might be able to absorb the tariff costs for now, but this can't go on indefinitely. So speed matters, too.

What frustrates me most is that they too casually agreed to $350 billion. They should have negotiated that down. The reason I think they didn't try hard enough is that, when I asked Deputy Prime Minister Koo Yooncheol in the Strategy and Finance Committee about the breakdown of the $350 billion-how much is cash, how much is loans, how much is guarantees-he said, 'Well, loans and guarantees are mixed in, but the exact ratio hasn't been decided yet.' So I thought, if you haven't even decided the ratio, how can you commit to the amount? It seems like they just wanted to gloss things over. It's just stalling for time.

The government negotiated too passively with the US and was not transparent

They seemed to think, 'As long as we give President Trump a political win and stall during his term, we can just go ahead with the investments we already planned and get by.' But even if President Trump is impulsive, do you think American officials working under him are fools? If you commit to an amount, what if they demand, 'Put in the full $350 billion in cash'? They should have negotiated the amount down from the start. Overall, the negotiation team was too passive.

Secondly, they were not transparent. They said the agreement was so successful that a formal document wasn't needed, but that's nonsense. If the negotiations were so successful, why can't they sign quickly? They're deceiving the public. They're sacrificing real national interests for political gain. I find this very concerning.