[Interview] Han Dong-hoon "The New Constitution Should Include the Government's Specific Role in the AX Era"

The 1987 Constitution Cannot Prepare for the Age of AI Transformation
The Next President Must Shift National Priorities to AX
Double Compensation Ban and Election Commission Audit Issues Should Be Resolved by Constitutional Amendment
Proposes Decentralized Four-Year Renewable Presidency and Bicameral Legislature

Former People Power Party leader Han Dong-hoon recently emphasized that the ongoing constitutional amendment discussions in the political sphere should include not only reforms to the presidential and parliamentary systems but also specific roles related to government support and protection of science and technology. He argued that the declarative provisions related to science and technology in the current constitution are insufficient to prepare for the era of AI Transformation (AX·AI Transformation).

In a written interview with Asia Economy on the 13th, Han stated, "I believe that government support and protection for science and technology need to be more concretely defined and strengthened at the constitutional level." The current constitution’s provisions related to science and technology are limited to Article 22, Paragraph 2, which states, "The rights of authors, inventors, scientists, and artists shall be protected by law," and Article 127, Paragraph 1, which states, "The state shall endeavor to develop the national economy through innovation in science and technology and the development of information and manpower."

Amid recent demands from the ruling party for a three-year presidential term linked to constitutional amendments and the next general election, Han reiterated that the most critical area to focus on during the next president’s term, aside from constitutional amendments, is 'AX.' He said, "Today, only three countries in the world? the United States, China, and the Republic of Korea?can meaningfully compete in smartphone manufacturing. However, the U.S. and China are far ahead in the AI revolution, with enormous investment scales. If we fail to ride this new wave, the Republic of Korea risks falling behind forever. We must urgently change national priorities with this sense of crisis."

He added, "By doing so, we can lead Korea’s upward trajectory and connect the results to welfare for all citizens. Growth is a tool for welfare, and welfare is the goal of growth," emphasizing the point.

Former People Power Party leader Han Dong-hoon is speaking at a book concert commemorating the publication of his book, "The People Come First," on the 5th at the Youth Culture Space JU in Mapo-gu, Seoul. 2025.3.5 Photo by Jo Yong-jun

Currently, while the political sphere is pushing for constitutional amendments focused solely on restructuring the power system, Han proposes pursuing both power structure reform and support for science and technology simultaneously. After recently publishing his book People Come First, he has repeatedly stated that "the great 1987 system that brought about Korea’s development and democratization has now reached its end," and that various provisions of the current constitution need to be changed.

He pointed to Article 29, Paragraph 2 of the constitution, which prohibits double compensation for soldiers and others, as another outdated provision. During the economic development period in 1971, when the Supreme Court ruled the State Compensation Act banning double compensation for soldiers such as Vietnam War veterans unconstitutional, the Park Chung-hee government included the double compensation prohibition clause in the Yushin Constitution the following year.

However, this provision was not revised during the 1987 constitutional amendment due to pressing issues like power structure reform. Han said, "Even now, full veterans’ benefits have not been provided to these ‘heroes in uniform.’ Since Korea has become a developed country, there is no justification for maintaining this clause. We failed to fix it in 1987, so it must be corrected as soon as possible now."

He also argued that the issue of the National Election Commission no longer being subject to audits by the Board of Audit and Inspection, following a recent Constitutional Court decision, should be resolved through constitutional amendment. Han said, "If independent agencies are not subject to external oversight and checks, corruption and irregularities grow, and public trust is damaged. The Election Commission manages ‘elections,’ which are central to democracy. Therefore, the system must institutionally support maintaining high public trust. It is worth considering a constitutional amendment to allow the Board of Audit and Inspection to audit independent agencies."

Han diagnosed that the ruling and opposition parties’ repeated impeachment motions and President Yoon Seok-youl’s declaration of emergency martial law were left to the ‘restraint’ of politicians, which is not institutionalized. He explained that outdated constitutional provisions were left as is, assuming they would not be triggered, but as political restraint has collapsed, these provisions have manifested as is. Therefore, restraint must be institutionalized in the next constitution. Han said, "In a situation where restraint has collapsed, simply changing people will only make us suffer the same problems more severely. That is why we need a change of era, not just a change of people. To close the door on the old era and move into a new one, constitutional amendment is no longer optional but essential."

Regarding the common demand from both ruling and opposition parties for power structure reform, he advocated for a decentralized presidential system, a four-year renewable presidential term, and the introduction of a bicameral legislature to promote decentralization and restraint. He said, "While dividing presidential powers, we should not just split them but also introduce a four-year renewable term so that a truly capable president can work with a long-term perspective and focus on national tasks."

Han argued, "Although much has been said about the evils of the imperial presidency, we must pursue institutional decentralization and checks to prevent not only the presidential power but also parliamentary power from being abused by a single wave that secures an absolute majority." Regarding the bicameral legislature, he emphasized, "It should be introduced without increasing the current 300 members of the National Assembly, and the upper house should be elected through large electoral districts, enabling decentralization and checks on parliamentary power."