We vividly remember the weight of the numbers that Jeong Eun-kyung, the head of the Korea Disease Control and Prevention Agency, reported to us day by day during the outbreak of COVID-19. Even when the number of confirmed cases was in the single digits, the overwhelming feeling remains dramatic for everyone. We can also recall how, as the numbers grew to double, triple, and quadruple digits and the death toll continued to rise, our sensitivity to confirming those numbers gradually dulled.
Regrettably, the reason we were able to adapt like this was because of the sentiment that "the government has done as much as it could, so this must be the extent of it," and underlying this was a collective recognition and attitude within the community that COVID-19 was such a massive disaster that we had no choice but to endure it. In other words, the entire nation shared an emotional justification that made it possible to accept the situation.
The sudden recollection of that time comes from the news that an estimated 3,136 excess deaths occurred over six months (February to July last year) due to the medical vacuum caused by conflicts between the medical community and the government. This analysis was conducted by Kim Yoon, a member of the Democratic Party of Korea and former professor at Seoul National University College of Medicine's Department of Healthcare Management, based on data received from the National Health Insurance Service. It applied a scientific classification system considering age and disease characteristics to analyze the number of hospitalized patients and deaths after hospitalization at medical institutions nationwide.
Excess deaths refer to cases where the number of deaths exceeds what is normally expected in a situation without crisis, i.e., during peacetime. In other words, more than 3,000 people?over 500 per month, or about 16 per day?lost their lives during that period who might not have died if there had been no medical vacuum.
Is South Korea once again facing a grave disaster situation where it must helplessly witness such vivid and tragic deaths? The government's argument that this is a difficult but necessary path, and the doctors' reasoning that such conflicts arise from a lack of understanding of the delicate principles of the medical system, cannot serve as justifications that everyone must comply with and accept even death, as was the case during COVID-19.
The sharp solution to the year-long medical-government conflict, which indiscriminately disrupted the health and medical system, is still nowhere in sight. Meanwhile, the government's leadership has been undermined, and the doctors remain steadfastly resolute. Assigning blame to either side is of little meaning because, under the slogan of saving lives, people are dying.
Whether we like it or not, the initiative lies with the government. It is not that the direction or destination they intended to pursue was wrong. If so, an unexpected clue might be found by more clearly acknowledging, both politically and policy-wise, that there were problems along the way. Strategic observation or standoff is equivalent to doing nothing amid the COVID-19 crisis.
Therefore, the government's plan to enhance medical school education, to be announced this month, is critical. The government intends to use this as a basis to encourage the return of students on leave and the normal participation of new students in classes. However, merely insisting on the originally proposed path and saying "trust us because we can do well" will solve nothing. The key issue is the quota for the 2026 academic year. In other words, the government must fiercely explore a certain point that is somewhat disappointing from the government's perspective and slightly regrettable from the medical schools, doctors, and students' perspectives, while keeping all possibilities open.
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