[In Fact] Jang Taewan Was Arrested by a Subordinate He Entrusted with Command (Part 2)

Woo Kyung-yoon, who expressed frustration over Seung-hwa Jeong's failed promotion and was taken away
No Jae-hyun wandered along Gangbuk Riverside Road east to west fearing arrest
Reasons why Jang Tae-wan was not proactive in the Seobinggo attack

'If you know' it conveys useful information in a disorganized manner. It is a tip for watching movies interestingly.

*Following <Jang Tae-wan had a strained relationship with Jeon Du-hwan from long ago (Part 1)>

*Jeon Du-hwan, the head of the joint investigation headquarters, reported to President Choi Kyu-ha during the investigation of Kim Jae-gyu that Chief of Staff Jeong Seung-hwa was deeply involved in the presidential assassination incident. He insisted that a detention investigation was necessary to quickly conclude the case. President Choi said it was not something to report directly to him, so it would be better to report through the Minister of National Defense. Jeon Du-hwan, who thought he could easily get approval, was taken aback. He tried to persuade again with various examples. He urged political decision, saying the assassination investigation was his responsibility and there was no need to listen to the Minister of National Defense's opinion. President Choi's attitude was stubborn. He insisted that a proper report must be made. It was less than a week since he was elected as the 11th president at the Unification National Assembly held at Jangchung Gymnasium on December 6. He was unaware of the internal military situation. He was in a position where he could not decide important matters without advice from the Minister of National Defense. Moreover, he could not decide on the martial law commander, who was responsible for national security, based only on the word of a major general lower in rank than himself.

*Jeon Du-hwan received whispered news from Lieutenant Colonel Lee Hak-bong in the presidential reception room about the gunfight during the detention of Chief Jeong and the serious injury of Colonel Woo Kyung-yoon. He came out, realizing that persuading the president further would not get approval. He hurriedly moved to the 30th Security Group. Generals Yoo Hak-sung, Cha Gyu-heon, and Hwang Young-si, who were waiting there, warmly welcomed Jeon Du-hwan around 8:40 p.m. They soon realized that the martial law commander had been detained without presidential approval and held a countermeasure meeting. Jeon Du-hwan said the president seemed to misunderstand the detention of the chief as his personal opinion. Then, the opinion arose to go together and talk. This risked appearing as a collective action against the highest military commander. They would later have to bear responsibility for illegal actions. Since they knew all movements of the Army Headquarters and Capital Defense Command through wiretapping devices, they had no time to hesitate. They decided to go back to the Prime Minister's residence to request approval from the president.

*Jang Tae-wan arrived at the Security Group around 8 p.m. As soon as he got out of the car, he went straight to the underground situation room. There, the orders given by Cha were being carried out. However, the subordinate commanders waiting in the situation room were only Air Defense Artillery Commander Hwang Dong-hwan. Colonels Jang Se-dong, Kim Jin-young, and Jo Hong were not present. Jang Tae-wan instinctively knew it was the work of the Hanahoe. But to allow room for smooth unit management, he said nothing. He ordered the rescue of the chief and went up to the second-floor office to change into military uniform. The phone call to the chief's residence was disconnected. The Army Headquarters and Ministry of National Defense were also not accurately aware of the situation.

*Jang Tae-wan organized a special mission team consisting of one military police platoon, one tank, one light armored vehicle, one 2.5-ton truck, two sidecars, and one ambulance. Since the military police commander was missing, he appointed Lieutenant Colonel Shin Yoon-hee, deputy commander of the military police, as the overall commander. He immediately dispatched them to the chief's residence to confirm the chief's whereabouts and instructed to report the situation immediately upon arrival. Lieutenant Colonel Shin was a graduate of the 21st class of the Korea Military Academy and a member of Hanahoe. It was later revealed that he was the integrated leader of the rebel faction inside the Capital Defense Command.

*Jang Tae-wan did not trust Lieutenant Colonel Shin Yoon-hee. Unable to confirm that the chief of staff had been detained, he headed to the chief's residence around 8:40 p.m. When he arrived near the entrance at the Hannam-dong underpass, he received news of the chief's abduction from Lieutenant General Yoon Sung-min, Deputy Chief of Staff of the Army. Jang Tae-wan got out at the residence entrance and ordered Lieutenant Colonel Shin, "Beat all those inside! If the Marines continue to resist, crush them unconditionally!" Jang Tae-wan mistakenly thought that the Marine forces guarding the residence were on the side of those who abducted the chief.

*Colonels Woo Kyung-yoon and Heo Sam-su arrived at the chief's residence entrance around 6:50 p.m. Their Super Saloon car passed through the main gate security without issue. However, two microbuses following them were not allowed to pass. The number of troops was too large for a shift change, so they were stopped. Then, the 33rd Military Police Company disarmed the three guards at the main gate. They took over the gate management with their own troops and entered through the main gate up to the front entrance of the residence building.

*Chief of Staff Jeong Seung-hwa was preparing to leave for his brother-in-law's house to congratulate Colonel Shin Dae-jin, who was announced as a newly promoted brigadier general that day, and to greet his mother-in-law after a long time.

*Colonel Woo Kyung-yoon expressed regret to Chief Jeong Seung-hwa that he thought he would be promoted but was rejected. Chief Jeong was offended that an officer he barely knew would start with such a remark.

*Colonel Heo Sam-su said to Chief Jeong, "If you did not receive money from Kim Jae-gyu, please come to our office and testify clearly that such a thing did not happen." Chief Jeong asked, "Did the president approve even if they took me?" Colonel Heo and Colonel Woo lied together, "Yes, it was approved." Chief Jeong ordered his aide, Major Lee Jae-cheon, to call the Prime Minister's residence or the Minister of National Defense to confirm directly. At that moment, gunshots rang out in the aide's room. A Security Command investigator threatened to prevent the call. Gunfire was also heard outside the residence building. Colonels Woo and Heo immediately stood up and flanked Chief Jeong, each grabbing his armpits. Chief Jeong judged that a gunfight was occurring outside with the residence staff and shouted, "Cease fire!" At that moment, someone wearing a navy jumper shot the large glass window of the reception room with an M16 rifle. They entered the hall, pointed a gun at Chief Jeong, and threatened him to leave quickly. Chief Jeong said, "Then let's go!" He guessed that the president had misunderstood and ordered an investigation.

*Chief Jeong Seung-hwa got into the back seat of the Super Saloon with the investigators. Colonel Woo Kyung-yoon had been shot through the side earlier and collapsed. After Chief Jeong was detained, he was transported to the Seoul Military District Hospital by Security Command investigators.

*During the detention of Chief Jeong, Major Lee Jae-cheon was shot in the right side by an investigator's bullet. The bullet grazed his liver and lodged in his abdomen, causing severe bleeding. He barely survived after major surgery at Soonchunhyang Hospital. Captain Kim In-seon, the chief of the chief's security, also suffered severe gunshot wounds in three places: the eye area, buttocks, and thigh. He was immediately hospitalized at Soonchunhyang Hospital. Both returned to active duty after discharge.

*Colonel Sung Hwan-ok and Lieutenant Colonel Choi Seok-rip waited outside the residence in case problems arose during Chief Jeong's detention. When Chief Jeong did not appear even after more than 30 minutes past the scheduled time, they boarded a microbus with a military police platoon and entered the residence. Lieutenant Colonel Choi happened to escort the car carrying Chief Jeong and Colonel Heo Sam-su as it was leaving the residence. They quickly escaped the Marine guards' security area. Colonel Sung and the military police's car were surrounded and detained by the Marine guards.

*Deputy Chief of Staff Yoon Sung-min received news around 8 p.m. from Chief Jeong's wife, Shin Yu-gyeong, about the gunfight and detention. He rushed to the B-2 bunker and issued an emergency alert called 'Jindo Dog One' to the entire army. He also ordered an emergency assembly of all former staff officers at the Army Headquarters. Yoon suspected that North Korean armed guerrillas might have infiltrated the chief's residence and kidnapped the chief. He ordered frontline units to monitor and report North Korean troop movements. However, both the frontline units and the ROK-US Combined Forces Command reported no suspicious activity.

*Yoon received a phone call and asked back, "The kidnappers who took the chief of staff are Security Command's Colonel Kwon Jeong-dal (Heo Sam-su was the Security Command Personnel Director but introduced himself to Chief Jeong as the Intelligence Deputy Chief, so he was mistaken for Kwon Jeong-dal) and Colonel Woo Kyung-yoon?" He asked Military Police General Kim Jin-gi, who entered the bunker, "Who is Woo Kyung-yoon?" Kim replied, "Colonel Woo Kyung-yoon is the head of the Army Headquarters Criminal Investigation Unit but is currently on dispatch duty at the joint investigation headquarters." Yoon concluded it was a prank by Security Command Commander Jeon Du-hwan. He ordered the Police Headquarters and Seoul Metropolitan Police to arrest the kidnappers and their vehicles. Since martial law was in effect, the police command authority belonged to the Martial Law Command at the Army Headquarters, so such orders could be issued. Yoon judged the abduction of the martial law commander as the greatest crisis after the October 26 incident. He ordered the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd armies, as well as the Capital Defense Command, Special Forces, and Army Headquarters direct units, to seize control and restrict deployment. Since the chief of staff was incapacitated, he declared he would command from now on. Also, since the situation was extremely unclear, he ordered that operational commands be executed only by his voice orders, not formal documents. He also ordered to locate and report the whereabouts of each unit commander.

*Yoon investigated the whereabouts of subordinate unit commanders and found that several generals were absent. General Hwang Young-si, commander of the 1st Corps, had gone out around 3 p.m. for business in Seoul and had not returned. General Cha Gyu-heon, commander of the Capital Corps, was absent as he was chairing the brigadier general review board. However, the review had already ended the previous night. Division Commander Park Jun-byeong of the 20th Division and Brigadier General Baek Woon-taek of the 71st Defense Division were also absent. Yoon ordered Major General So Jun-yeol, head of the Army Comprehensive Administration School, to immediately arrest Park Jun-byeong. He also ordered Special Forces Commander Major General Jeong Byeong-ju to capture Baek Woon-taek.

*Information came that the absent commanders were gathered at the 30th Security Group Commander's office inside Gyeongbokgung Palace. The generals in the bunker were all furious. Yoon also expressed determination to suppress the situation, saying it was unacceptable. It seemed certain that the 20th Division and 71st Defense Division commanders had sided with Jeon Du-hwan and that their nearby troops would move. The 20th Division was a unit that had entered Seoul as martial law troops along with the October 26 incident, but its division headquarters and one regiment were stationed at the Comprehensive Administration School, and another regiment was stationed at the 71st Defense Division. The problem was the airborne brigade near Seoul. Since General Jeon Du-hwan was from the airborne unit, the direction of these units was a concern for Yoon.

*Yoon judged that strong backing from higher-ups was needed to issue tough orders to firmly control subordinate units. However, Minister of National Defense Noh Jae-hyeon was missing and unreachable by phone. Deputy Prime Minister Shin Hyun-hwak only said to wisely resolve the situation to avoid casualties on both sides. He also called the Prime Minister's residence where the president was. Secretary General Choi Kwang-soo said, "You cannot talk to His Excellency now," and did not connect the call. The Army Headquarters command had only the Capital Defense Command as actual troops to prevent sudden terrorist or coup attacks, so they decided to move the location.

*Jang Tae-wan arrived at the headquarters shortly after 9 p.m. The underground situation room still lacked Colonels Jang Se-dong, Kim Jin-young, and Jo Hong. He heard from Chief of Staff Brigadier General Kim Ki-taek that they were at the 30th Security Group Commander's office. Jang Tae-wan smoked three or four cigarettes in a row to calm himself. He then called the 30th Security Group Commander's office and asked for Colonel Jang Se-dong. The voice on the line was that of Deputy Minister of National Defense Yoo Hak-sung. "Hey General Jang! Don't get so excited. Come here and talk with us." Jang Tae-wan was so angry he could not hold back and cursed, "You rebel bastard! Stay right there. I'll drive a tank and crush you all!" Yoo hung up, and unexpectedly General Hwang Young-si of the 1st Corps answered. "General Jang! Why are you so excited? Calm down. Come to the 30th Security Group and work with us." "No, brother! Have I ever properly served Chief Jeong? Didn't you tell me to serve Chief Jeong well? If so, you should support him properly. How can you do this when you are close to Chief Jeong? Let's pretend this incident never happened and restore the chief quickly." "General Jang! That can't be. This is unavoidable for the investigation of President Park's assassination." "Alright, you bastards! Don't move. I'll bring artillery and blow all your heads off." Hwang said he would replace General Cha Gyu-heon. Jang Tae-wan hung up. He had been close with Generals Yoo Hak-sung and Hwang Young-si but had never worked in a direct superior-subordinate relationship. His relationship with General Cha Gyu-heon was different; he served as chief of staff of the Capital Defense Command under him for a year from 1974.

*Jang Tae-wan sought cooperation from Deputy Minister of National Defense Kim Yong-hyu, 3rd Army Commander General Lee Geon-young, and Deputy Chief of Staff Yoon Sung-min. He also called Special Forces Commander Jeong Byeong-ju, whom he had hurriedly parted with at a Yeonhui-dong restaurant. Jeong worried about two issues. "The suppression troops requested from 3rd Army Commander Lee Geon-young in the early evening (26th Division and Capital Mechanized Division) seem to be dispatched with the minister's approval, but where is the minister? There are rumors that the minister has fled to the 8th Army. What good is this if Kim Il-sung invades? It will be worse than the Korean War." "Honey! I just talked to Minister Noh. I received a call from Joint Chiefs of Staff Chief of Operations Moon Hong-gu, who said, 'These troops have started moving, so be cautious. The minister is here now.' Then Minister Noh took the phone and said, 'Jeong Byeong-ju? Yes, you. Your brigade is said to be advancing on the Ministry of National Defense. Stop them immediately.' I told him, 'Minister! Please use your investigative agency to arrest those playing tricks.' "The victory tonight depends on preventing the 1st Airborne Brigade from moving and having the two divisions (26th and Capital Mechanized) deploy first. How is the situation with that brigade?" "I heard from the staff that General Park Hee-do's 1st Airborne Brigade is moving, but when I called General Park, he was not there. I told Deputy Commander Colonel Lee Gi-ryong, 'Your unit is moving without the commander's orders. What is this? Stop immediately.' He said he would follow my orders."

*Shortly after, Special Forces Commander Jeong Byeong-ju called Jang Tae-wan again. He said his deputy commander had tried to dissuade the 1st Airborne Brigade's deployment, but General Park Hee-do said, "Deputy Commander, I have already decided to take this path," and insisted on moving. Jang Tae-wan pleaded and ended the call, "Senior Jeong! The 1st, 3rd, and 5th Airborne Brigade commanders, members of Hanahoe, follow Jeon Du-hwan's orders. Don't trust them. Please send General Yoon Heung-gi's 9th Airborne Brigade immediately. I only have two security group commanders, the military police commander, and their subordinate troops on my side. Please send them quickly."

*Jang Tae-wan told Special Forces Commander Jeong Byeong-ju that he would lift the barricades when General Yoon Heung-gi's 9th Airborne Brigade arrived at the 1st Hangang Bridge. After letting them pass, he would block again. He then ordered all bridges over the Han River to be barricaded. This was around 10 p.m.

*Jang Tae-wan also secured support from Division Commander Bae Jeong-do of the 26th Division, Division Commander Son Gil-nam of the Capital Mechanized Division, and Division Commander Park Hee-mo of the 30th Division.

*Jeon Du-hwan, head of the joint investigation headquarters, knew through wiretapping that the Army Headquarters side was preparing troop mobilization. He rode in two cars with Yoo Hak-sung, Cha Gyu-heon, Hwang Young-si, Baek Woon-taek, and headed to the Prime Minister's residence. He tried to get President Choi Kyu-ha's approval again for Chief Jeong Seung-hwa's detention. He left 9th Division Commander Noh Tae-woo at the 30th Security Group to monitor the situation.

*Jeon Du-hwan introduced the accompanying generals one by one to President Choi Kyu-ha in the reception room. The senior-most, General Yoo Hak-sung, spoke first, saying it was clear that Chief Jeong was involved in the assassination case and approval was needed. Other generals supported, saying if approval was not given, the military command system could collapse, and all commanders in the metropolitan area agreed. President Choi was displeased, questioning the circumstances of the gunfight at the chief's residence. He asked Jeon Du-hwan directly. Jeon reported, "I sent someone to detain Chief Jeong to get approval, but a misunderstanding occurred during the process, causing the gunfight."

*President Choi continued to refuse Jeon Du-hwan's demands. "Why did you cause such a gunfight before the president's approval? Acting without approval is illegal. Moreover, as I said before, I cannot approve something brought directly to me without following proper procedures. There is the Minister of National Defense, a cabinet member above you. How can I approve the detention of the martial law commander appointed by the cabinet without hearing the minister's opinion? This is like telling me not to obey the law. I will approve after hearing the minister's opinion and the case details. Send the minister to me."

*Generals from the joint investigation headquarters, including Lieutenant General Yoo Hak-sung, searched everywhere for Minister of National Defense Noh Jae-hyeon but could not find him. Minister Noh was at the minister's residence next to the Army Chief of Staff's residence that evening. When gunfire broke out, he fled with his wife and son over the residence wall to Dankook University Gymnasium. He barely managed to talk on the phone with Joint Chiefs of Staff Operations Director Major General Lee Kyung-yul. He did not go to a place where he could command the military, fearing arrest. He wandered the Gangbuk Riverside Road and then went to Lee's house in Yeouido to evacuate his family. Minister Noh communicated with Deputy Minister Kim Yong-hyu and entered the Ministry of National Defense around 10 p.m.

*Back at the Ministry of National Defense, Minister Noh Jae-hyeon, knowing it was the act of a few political soldiers, did not respond. He said the Ministry was vulnerable and insecure as the airborne units were about to occupy it. He ordered the staff to "try at the Capital Defense Command, which has real troops." Then he moved to the US 8th Army bunker. Later, he returned to the Ministry and called President Choi at the Prime Minister's residence around 10:45 p.m. The president asked for an explanation of the situation. Noh said, "I will come there soon." After the call ended, General Yoo Hak-sung took the phone and briefly explained the situation, urgently requesting help. Noh said he would go to the Samcheong-dong Prime Minister's residence immediately. The Ministry generals advised against going, saying it would mean accepting the joint investigation headquarters' demands.

*Jeon Du-hwan judged that getting approval would take more time and returned to the Security Command ahead of other generals. The Security Command had a communication network that detailed nationwide movements. Reports came in that the Army Headquarters had ordered the 9th Airborne Brigade to deploy and the 26th Division and Capital Mechanized Division were preparing to deploy. The joint investigation headquarters used all means to block the Army Headquarters' troop deployment, especially utilizing the Security Command's communication system. They persuaded unit commanders and staff preparing to deploy to disrupt execution. The persuasion was decisively aided by the Hanahoe organization and Korea Military Academy classmates and seniors/juniors.

*Around 10 p.m., after ordering all Han River bridges barricaded, Jang Tae-wan called 3rd Army Commander Lee Geon-young again to ask about the deployment of the 26th Division and Capital Mechanized Division. Lee said the 30th and 33rd Divisions were completely blocked from moving, so no worries. But he changed his words about the 26th Division and Capital Mechanized Division, saying they would deploy once the Minister of National Defense approved. Fortunately, the 1st Airborne Brigade approaching the 1st Hangang Bridge was turning back toward Gimpo due to civilian vehicles. However, it was only a matter of time before they entered Seoul via any bridge. Operations staff Colonel Park Dong-won told Jang that the 1st Airborne Brigade was likely to pass the Haengju Bridge, outside the Capital Defense Command's responsibility and without checkpoints.

*Earlier, in the Army Headquarters B2 bunker, the joint investigation headquarters generals gathered at the 30th Security Group in Gyeongbokgung Palace warned that if Chief Jeong Seung-hwa was not restored, they would mobilize troops to arrest them all. The joint investigation headquarters generals insisted that the chief's detention was an unavoidable measure in the investigation of President Park's assassination. Deputy Chief of Staff Yoon Sung-min tried to persuade them that the chief's detention without due process was illegal and that if there was an investigation, the chief should be released first and procedures followed, but to no avail. The Army Headquarters command sensed an organized coup. They began to suspect that the chief might have already been killed.

*The Army Headquarters side demanded the joint investigation headquarters come over and explain the situation. The joint investigation headquarters insisted that the Army Headquarters come to Gyeongbokgung to understand the situation. While the dispute continued, the Army Headquarters suggested avoiding bloodshed and resolving the issue peacefully. This became a decisive cause of the suppression failure. Deputy Chief of Staff Yoon Sung-min said to refrain from troop deployment. "Let's refrain from mobilizing troops. If large-scale clashes occur among our forces, it will be like setting the table for Kim Il-sung. Seoul will become a sea of fire with many casualties. The country will perish. Let's refrain from troop deployment." This message was not conveyed to Jang Tae-wan.

*Soon after, an urgent report came to the Army Headquarters bunker that the 1st Airborne Brigade had deployed targeting the Army Headquarters. The Army Headquarters had no ability to defend. The Capital Defense Command, which could provide immediate support, had its combat troops?the 30th and 33rd Security Groups and the main military police unit?already sided with the joint investigation headquarters. The Special Forces Command also had the 1st, 3rd, and 5th Airborne Brigades on the joint investigation headquarters' side. Although Special Forces Commander Jeong Byeong-ju ordered no troop movement without orders, the 1st Airborne Brigade ignored this. Following orders from Brigade Commander Park Hee-do at the 30th Security Group, they deployed around 10 p.m. The joint investigation headquarters later explained that the Army Headquarters had deployed troops first to counter the 1st Airborne Brigade. The Army Headquarters deployed the 9th Airborne Brigade two hours later, around midnight.

*The 1st Airborne Brigade, which had moved to Sinwol-dong, turned back under strong orders from the Army Headquarters command and Special Forces Command. The Army Headquarters command was relieved but anxious about when the brigade might deploy again. Upon receiving intelligence that Jeon Du-hwan's joint investigation headquarters was attacking the Army Headquarters with tanks, they held another countermeasure meeting. The majority opinion was to move collectively to the Capital Defense Command, where combat troops could protect them. Leaving the Army Headquarters bunker, which had the entire army's command communication network, was a huge misjudgment.

*Colonel Hwang Won-tak, chief aide to Chief of Staff Jeong Seung-hwa, resolutely told Joint Chiefs of Staff Chief Moon Hong-gu, who had moved to the Capital Defense Command with the Army Headquarters command, "If you provide armored vehicles, tanks, and troops, I will personally lead an assault on Seobinggo to rescue the chief." General Moon told Jang Tae-wan to support Colonel Hwang. Only one tank was ready. Colonel Hwang said even one was enough to take out. While Colonel Hwang was planning the rescue operation, General Moon received a call from Minister of National Defense Noh Jae-hyeon at the US 8th Army bunker. "The generals gathered at the Capital Defense Command seem to be discussing troop deployment, but do not mobilize troops. I spoke with Jeon Du-hwan, and it seems a peaceful compromise is possible. It's about one person related to President Park's assassination. Tell the generals not to get excited. I know the Security Command commander is not ignorant. Nothing will happen tomorrow morning, so keep that in mind." General Moon did not convey this to Jang Tae-wan. Jang later recalled, "I only learned of this 13 years later. If I had been able to talk to the minister then, the night's situation might have changed in some way."

*Jang Tae-wan was not enthusiastic about attacking Seobinggo. He judged that Chief Jeong might not be detained there or might have already been killed. Even if detained there, he thought a rescue operation would only cause the chief to be moved elsewhere. Therefore, he judged that attacking Gyeongbokgung and the Security Command, where the ringleaders gathered, and arresting them was more urgent.

*As Jang Tae-wan's worries deepened, Military Police General Kim Jin-gi came to request a military police platoon. "I will lead the military police to the Samcheong-dong Prime Minister's residence to bring His Excellency the president." General Kim had studied with Jang Tae-wan at the US Army Infantry School from 1953 to 1954. They had maintained a special friendship since. Jang trusted his friend and dispatched a military police platoon. However, General Kim soon returned after assessing the situation. He lamented that the Blue House security company troops, commanded by Deputy Chief of Security Jeong Dong-ho and Operations Chief Go Myeong-seung, were deployed in multiple layers at the Prime Minister's residence, making it impossible to bring the president out.

Reference materials: Jang Tae-wan, published by Myeongseong Publishing House, '12·12 Coup and Me (1993)'; Korea Daily Political Department, published by Korea Daily, 'The Stolen Spring of Seoul (1994)'; Ko Namu, published by Bookcomma, 'Jeon Du-hwan Still Alive (2013)'; Roh Tae-woo, published by Chosun News Press, 'Roh Tae-woo Memoirs (Vol. 1): National Democratization, My Destiny (2011)'; Jeong Il-young & Hwang Dong-ha, published by Grimssi, 'Jeon Du-hwan Biography (2017)'; Jeong Hae-gu, published by Institute for Historical Problems, 'Jeon Du-hwan and the 1980s Democratization Movement (2011)', etc.