Discussions on Amending the Public Official Election Act Gain Momentum
Debate Over the Fate of the Mixed-Member Proportional Representation System: Another Cunning Tactic?
Single Four-Year Term National Proportional Representatives Proposed to Resolve Stalled Key Bills
Discussions on amending the Public Official Election Act are gaining momentum. On the 16th, there was an urgent agreement to first clarify the stance on the continuation or abolition of the current semi-proportional representation system and then proceed with full-scale reform discussions. The National Assembly, where 'Vetocracy'?a system of constant vetoing?was the norm, is now expressing a unified voice ahead of the general election, in which the lawmakers themselves are involved. This has led to many voices suspecting hidden political intentions from the major opposition parties.
The current election law allocates 30 out of 47 proportional seats (with a linkage rate of 50%) according to the semi-proportional representation method, while the remaining 17 seats are distributed based on party vote percentages. The purpose of introducing the semi-proportional representation system was to compensate for the major parties' relatively higher seat shares compared to their party vote percentages under the single-member district system. However, it ultimately led to the creation of satellite parties, with the People Power Party’s satellite party, Mirae Hangukdang, and the Democratic Party’s satellite party, Deobureo Simindang, receiving 19 and 17 proportional seats respectively.
Experts analyze that the reason for the regressive equality of votes in the last general election was due to the cunning tactics of the People Power Party and the Democratic Party. Despite this, the two major parties, who should jointly reflect on the weakening of the semi-proportional representation system, are using evasive rhetoric without any reflection, drawing heavy criticism. The People Power Party has already proposed numerous bills to abolish the semi-proportional representation system. The Democratic Party is also adopting a stance that not only the content but the process itself is important, thus accepting the People Power Party’s claims.
The debate over the continuation or abolition of the mixed-member proportional representation system may be another cunning tactic. In next year’s general election, it is highly unlikely that the two major parties, which have more constituency seats than seats allocated by party vote percentages, will secure proportional representation seats. The formation of proportional satellite parties is also nearly impossible. This is why suspicions are arising that the discussion on abolishing the semi-proportional representation system may ultimately stem from the adversarial symbiotic relationship between the two major parties.
A bigger problem is that even if the semi-proportional representation system is maintained, the issue of lack of representation remains. There is growing persuasion for the need of a new experiment to guarantee real freedom and equality beyond election law amendments limited to reforming the proportional representation system.
How about this? Introducing a National Proportional Representation system. Recruit candidates for national proportional representation from all voters in the Republic of Korea, and select 10 members in addition to the current 300 National Assembly members through a random lottery system based on population proportion. National proportional representatives would serve a single four-year term and would be barred from running for public office for the next 10 years. Their task would be to prioritize the passage of stalled bills due to partisan deadlock.
It is time to consider how to fix the broken representative democracy where the people's opinions are not properly reflected. To fully incorporate the diverse voices of the people into legislation, the answer must be sought in the role of the people as the sole sovereign of the Republic of Korea. Only then can the broken democracy be restored.
Lee Kwang-jae, Secretary General of the Korea Manifesto Practice Headquarters
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