[Interview] Lee Jun-seok: "I Will Break the Party Branch Structure That Even Silences Speech"

If a political newcomer is cut off due to the system despite efforts, that itself is a significant risk
Incumbent lawmakers should rightfully welcome innovation

Lee Jun-seok, Leader of the People Power Party./Photo by Dongju Yoon doso7@

Whenever 'Lee Jun-seok' comes to mind, there is always a descriptive phrase attached: 'the first-ever zero-term and 30-something party leader in constitutional history.' While building a friendly image by riding public bicycles called 'Ddareungi' and using the subway, he also gained the support of young people in their 20s and 30s by speaking his mind to established politicians. It has been a year since he was elected as the party leader at the People Power Party's convention in June last year, marking the halfway point of his term. In an interview with Asia Economy, he revealed the direction of his self-driven politics for the remainder of his term, stating that he would reform the nomination process starting from grassroots politics such as party district committees.

- You mentioned that you would prefer not to attach the label 'youth' to youth politics.

▲ Youth politics should disappear. Some people talk about youth politics as if it means creating a 'minority' group and having them fight and bicker within it. I don't even know if there are proper youth organizations, but there are all sorts of complaints and stories.

- For young people who find it difficult to enter politics, isn't proportional representation a chance?

▲ If there are millions of young people in South Korea, giving one person a chance every four years is not really an opportunity. Rather, the person who receives that chance should seriously consider what kind of representation they have to represent millions. They are not even elected by voting, so there is no legitimacy. In the end, why devote oneself to a party that gives such an ambiguous position? If you are going to devote yourself, shouldn't you at least be paid well? And that devotion means attending some events or following a certain lawmaker, but how can that be a criterion for selecting representatives of the people?

- Isn't the current nomination system aimed at youth or specific generations?

▲ Whether young or old, those who work hard are helpful. What needs to be clarified is that when the PPAT (Public Official Candidate Basic Qualification Test) was introduced, many people lined up to oppose it, saying it was a way to rank candidates. A real test that ranks candidates should have become a nomination exam. For example, a driver's license test is a qualification exam. Anyone with driving skills passes. Sometimes the pass rate can be 80%, sometimes 5%. But at least those who pass are qualified to drive. When the word political reform comes up, there are people who resist before even seeing the details.

- What is different about the nomination system compared to the existing primaries?

▲ The biggest controversy in the recent local elections was that the person who ranked first in the opinion poll was eliminated, and the second and third ranked candidates competed in the primary. From the general public's perspective, they might think it doesn't matter who does the nomination, but those who prepare for nominations invest a lot of effort and time. The unpredictability is not about feeling sorry for those people; it discourages participation from the start. The possibility that those who want to enter politics might be cut off because of a strange nomination committee chairperson is a huge risk in itself.

- Can this be seen as a kind of neutralization of the nomination rights held by incumbents?

▲ Rather than neutralization, it's about creating a situation where anyone can do politics without risking their life. I am wary of situations where people have to give up everything?work and family?to enter politics. For example, if I were not a parachute candidate picked by former President Park Geun-hye, with the same capabilities, I would never have come to this position. If I said I live in Sanggye-dong and went to the Nowon-byeong party district committee chairperson, a young Harvard graduate from the same hometown would be excluded and never allowed into the party. Because they think that person might threaten their position someday. So what is the way to break that structure? That should be the direction of reform.

- Could this be interpreted as resistance to vested interests?

▲ No. For example, our party's Joo Ho-young has supported this from the beginning. The more senior the lawmaker, the more they understand what I am saying. The Innovation Committee cannot do anything alone. It has to bring proposals to the Supreme Council for approval. To process proposals, it requires amending party rules or bringing systemic changes.

When we talk about innovation, nominations have two branches. One is strengthening the principle of primaries, and the other is so-called strategic nominations. The former can be done by the Innovation Committee; the latter cannot. Discussing nominations through innovation generally means enhancing stability and leaning towards the nature of primaries. Under normal circumstances, incumbent lawmakers should welcome this with open arms. Those who intend to manipulate nominations should oppose it. But now, some people bring up the word innovation without knowing much, even though they have nothing to lose.

Lee Jun-seok, Leader of the People Power Party./Photo by Dongju Yoon doso7@

- Simply put, is it about making primaries transparent?

▲ There are shortcomings. The primary method is usually called bottom-up nomination, but the downside is that the process tends to favor incumbents. So what is important is how to compensate for that. In the party district committee structure, competitors are immediately pushed out. How can you change the structure when that happens?

The party district committee has so far been an offline communication space, operated by about 20 to 30 core party members, while the roughly 1,000 general responsible party members have no structure to express opinions, at best having a single group chat.

- Are you saying you want to put party district committee chairs and political newcomers on the same starting line for nominations?

▲ At least to allow them to speak. Our party has regional operating committees, all appointed by the party district committee chairperson. You cannot rise unless you support the chairperson. Competitors to the chairperson are never allowed to participate. The structure I want to improve is not the operating committee positions granted by the chairperson, but creating a space where people who participate in certain party activities, education, and training designated by the party can voice their opinions.

- You have been actively pursuing a forward policy while facing strong criticism from Honam for a year. What are the specifics?

▲ We are making some improvements. When former Emergency Committee Chairman Kim Jong-in made a kneeling apology, I thought there would be no more symbolic gestures beyond that, but then President Yoon Suk-yeol took lawmakers to the May 18 event to pay respects, which I consider an upgrade. I hope to see more like that this time.

- What has been the most difficult thing in the past year?

▲ Rather than difficult, I am now enjoying it. I will write a book later.

- What do you think about fandom politics?

▲ I am known as a politician who does not create fandoms. Fandoms cannot grow very large. A few hundred very enthusiastic supporters work hard, but to avoid being obsessed with them, it is better not to manage them at all. Like Lee Jae-myung of the Democratic Party suddenly giving them the nickname 'Gaeddal' (dog daughters), which causes problems. I have no intention of doing that.

Interview by Choi Il-gwon, Political Chief