Im Seong-nam, Ambassador to ASEAN
What do the ‘New Southern Policy,’ the Belt and Road Initiative, and the Indo-Pacific Strategy have in common among the diplomatic strategies of Korea, China, and Japan? They all primarily target the ‘ASEAN,’ a region geographically adjacent and increasingly important for future growth potential and strategic significance.
China, connected to ASEAN by land, actively supported Nanyang (南洋) trade during the Song Dynasty in the 11th century and expanded into Southeast Asia. Even today, more than 70% of the world’s overseas Chinese reside in Southeast Asia, and nine out of the ten richest people in the region are ethnic Chinese.
Japan left a legacy of anti-Japanese sentiment during its colonial rule over Southeast Asia in World War II, and especially in the 1960s and 1970s, the perception of Japan as an ‘economic animal’ was widespread in ASEAN due to its large trade surpluses. However, in 1977, through the ‘Fukuda Doctrine,’ Japan declared its intention to create a ‘heart-to-heart relationship’ with ASEAN and began winning over ASEAN’s goodwill again by supporting infrastructure construction such as roads and ports.
In contrast, Korea’s ties with ASEAN are relatively recent. Based on diplomatic relations established with the ten ASEAN countries starting with the Philippines in 1949, Korea officially appeared on the ASEAN diplomatic stage in 1989 as a partial dialogue partner of ASEAN.
All three countries?Korea, China, and Japan?have actively promoted cooperation with ASEAN. Especially after the 1997 financial crisis, ASEAN and the three countries formed ‘ASEAN+3,’ which has developed over the past 20 years into the most institutionalized regional cooperation framework in East Asia.
How has ASEAN responded to the courting by Korea, China, and Japan? According to a survey conducted about a year ago among various experts within ASEAN, China is perceived as the most influential country in the region. However, about 80% of respondents expressed negative views regarding China’s expanding influence. In fact, although China has been ASEAN’s largest trading partner since 2009, ASEAN’s wariness toward China has increased, particularly over issues like the South China Sea.
The same survey showed that Japan is the country ASEAN people most want to visit. Additionally, Japanese ranks third among foreign languages ASEAN people want to learn, following English and Chinese. Judging solely by the survey results, Korea currently holds the bronze medal in the competition among Korea, China, and Japan for ASEAN. Being a latecomer and facing challenges in surpassing China and Japan in terms of volume, it will be difficult for this trend to change overnight.
However, if Korea further leverages its unique strengths, it is believed that it can develop into a ‘true cooperative partner of ASEAN for mutual prosperity.’ Businesspeople the author met in various ASEAN countries unanimously say that Korean products are the most satisfactory in terms of cost-effectiveness. Moreover, Korea’s experience of growing into a top 10 global economy without natural resources after the war is recognized as a development model for ASEAN. Above all, Korea and ASEAN share a special relationship in that they face similar dilemmas caught between great powers, leading to shared strategic concerns.
Looking ahead, the most important factor for greater success in diplomacy toward ASEAN is ‘policy persistence.’ In this regard, the Moon Jae-in administration’s New Southern Policy Plus strategy sends a positive signal about the continuity of Korea’s policy. Despite challenges such as the novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19), the new year holds expectations for more active personnel exchanges and other engagements.
Im Sung-nam, Ambassador to ASEAN
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