At the beginning of the new year, an interview with former Minister of Culture Lee O-ryeong resonated deeply. A calm battle with cancer. A scholar facing the brink of life and death. He raised the theme of "a single tear shed for others." Bloodshed revolutions, sweat-drenched economic recoveries. Now, he urged us to move beyond the logic of blood and sweat. He sharply stated, "Freedom and equality without tears have devastated human civilization."
During President Roh Moo-hyun’s administration, I was a political desk editor. A Blue House correspondent brought an unbelievable scoop. President Roh had decided to pursue a grand coalition with the opposition party. Skeptical, I was shown a reporter’s notebook. It contained detailed notes mentioning then Senior Secretary for Political Affairs Yoon In-tae. Facing brinkmanship in partisan conflicts and regionalism, the plan was to change the National Assembly election law and form a coalition government to overcome these issues. As expected, the opposition’s response was lukewarm. They did not abandon the temptation of winner-takes-all. The ruling party’s reaction was even more intense. There was serious resistance to giving up the hard-won power. Ultimately, the grand coalition plan was abandoned.
At the start of the new year, Lee Nak-yeon, leader of the Democratic Party of Korea, brought up the topic of pardoning former Presidents Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye. Compared to the grand coalition idea, it was a small gesture of reconciliation. Yet, it also received a lukewarm response. Neither camp is in the mood to embrace the other. The path of tears for others is still far away.
Under the current administration, the drive to root out deep-rooted evils was fierce. There were regrets about the methods and pace. These days, the sadness comes from another angle. When meeting those classified as conservative, they are furious. They are determined to achieve regime change and retaliate. This determination is a major reason why Prosecutor General Yoon Seok-youl enjoys strong conservative support. Yoon’s unwavering, straightforward approach makes him suitable as a ‘revenge sword.’ The progressive side is well aware of this. They will do whatever it takes to protect the regime. How can any reconciliation or harmony be achieved here?
Every ruling party proclaims national unity. Yet history repeats itself. Whether there is a change of government between ruling and opposition parties or a succession within the ruling party, the past is always dredged up. With the new year, I try to hold onto hope again. I wish for the seeds of a new politics that surpasses the grand reconciliation shown by Nelson Mandela to be planted. When partisan conflict and national disorder reach their peak, both politicians and citizens will realize this.
Above all, I suggest caution in the judicial condemnation of national policies. In 1997, at the end of the Kim Young-sam administration, the foreign exchange crisis broke out. The then economic chief was Kim In-ho. He was blamed as the main culprit of the IMF crisis and was even imprisoned. The charges were neglect of duty and abuse of authority, unfamiliar terms at the time. He argued the ‘General Gyebaek theory,’ appealing that General Gyebaek should not be punished just because Baekje fell. The court acquitted him.
Recently, accusations of neglect of duty and abuse of authority have become frequent in political lawsuits. Courts have become stricter in their judgments. These charges have become a major tool to harass opposing factions. Projects like the Four Major Rivers Project and nuclear power reduction, bribery, favoritism, and evidence tampering deserve strict judicial handling. However, I hope the policies of the opposing camp themselves are not labeled as evil. They should be subjects of debate through pros and cons. Bringing them to court only deepens the judicialization of politics. Even if directions differ, the tears of tolerance must not dry up. A single tear gathers to form a river, and rivers become the sea.
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