[Asia Report] The Anger of Nepal’s Generation Z... The Fall of Himalayan Maoism

Kathmandu, Nepal, is famous for Himalayan trekking and Zen meditation. Recently, crowds of student protesters gathered in the square in front of Tribhuvan University. They shouted into the microphone:

"The revolution is long over. Now give us jobs." This is not just a slogan. For Nepal's Gen Z youth, who were born long after the start of the People's War in 1996, the political transition from monarchy to republic is less relevant than the practical question of "what to eat every morning and where to work." The Maoist politicians who led the previous generation have now become the backdrop for the frustrations of today's youth.

In early September 2025, after the Nepalese government demanded the registration of 26 social media platforms and blocked some of them, youth-led protests spread across the country, driven mainly by Gen Z. In Kathmandu, thousands marched, government buildings such as the parliament and the prime minister's residence were set on fire, and clashes intensified. Police opened fire, resulting in at least 70 deaths and thousands injured, marking a period of dramatic political upheaval. Ultimately, Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli resigned, and a transitional government was formed.

Descendants of the Gurkha Mercenaries

In South Korea and other developed countries, young Nepalese play the role of modern-day "Gurkha mercenaries." Just as their ancestors once joined the British Army and fought on battlefields around the world, today's Nepalese youth travel to South Korea's factories, farms, and construction sites through the Employment Permit System (EPS). After passing Korean language exams and boarding flights to distant lands, they become brokers of hard labor and lifelines for their families and villages back home.

There are about 60,000 Nepalese nationals residing in South Korea, with the number of EPS entrants increasing every year. In 2023 alone, around 20,000 Nepalese workers received permission to work in South Korea, and cumulatively, nearly 100,000 young people have connected to South Korea through the EPS system. They send remittances to their families each month, build roads and schools in their villages, repair homes, and fund their children's education, serving as a crucial source of capital.

Protesters in Kathmandu, Nepal. Photo by Yonhap News

Nepal is a poor Asian country. As of 2024, its per capita GDP stands at about 1,500 dollars. The high unemployment rate (10.7%) is an even bigger problem. The youth unemployment rate (ages 15-24) is 20.82%, meaning that most young people, despite being educated, cannot find jobs. This figure is more than just a statement that "there are no jobs." It shows how many educated young people are unable to enter the labor market, how wide the gap in opportunities is between urban and rural areas, and how often the option of leaving the country is considered.

After the monarchy collapsed in 2008, power shifted to the Maoist Communist Party. The most prominent leader is Pushpa Kamal Dahal, also known as Prachanda, who served as prime minister three times. He declared the People's War in 1996 and led armed resistance against the monarchy. That war resulted in many casualties, but ultimately, a peace agreement in 2006 toppled the monarchy and established a republic in 2008. However, after taking power, the Maoist leadership gradually moved away from their initial radical and idealistic stance, opting for pragmatic compromises to maintain power. The inefficiency of federalism, delays in land reform, and slow progress in expanding the rights of minorities and women are all evidence of this.

From Revolutionaries to Entrenched Power

Some Maoists briefly advocated pragmatism, but internal leadership struggles and power-sharing conflicts clashed with Prachanda's centralized structure. Beyond ideological debates, the concentration of power, the symbolic capital of leader images, and the strategic placement of insiders and outsiders within the organization all became seeds of division. The Maoists achieved major milestones such as abolishing the monarchy, establishing a republic, eliminating some caste discrimination, and introducing federalism. However, as the government lost the "glory of revolution" and became weighed down by reality, young people grew angry at the gap between promises and reality.

Public services remain underdeveloped, education costs have soared, and basic infrastructure such as healthcare, transportation, and electricity varies greatly by region. Young people waste time preparing for the EPS exam to go to South Korea, and if they fail, they must search for another alternative. They say with resignation, "We are a generation that must leave to survive." One university student activist, Sumukta Karki, put it this way: "The Maoists overthrew the king, but became kings themselves."

Their anger is not nostalgia for a heroic past. It is a desperate protest over the daily struggle to make a living. The language of revolution was grand, but what is needed now is the language of policy.

What is increasingly seen across Asia is not just anti-government sentiment among the younger generation, but a deep distrust of established politics and a clear demand for "improvements in the quality of my life." In the Philippines, tens of thousands of students and citizens recently joined the "September 21" anti-corruption protests, criticizing government infrastructure corruption and political privilege. In Indonesia, student-led protests are spreading nationwide, with key issues including cuts to education and welfare, parliamentary privileges, and the lack of youth employment. The core of the discontent is politics that prioritize positions and images over policy.

The protests by Nepal's Gen Z are part of this regional trend. If politics fails to move beyond slogans and symbols to deliver policies, opportunities, and accountability that young people can experience, this movement is likely to become a sustained force for transformation rather than a one-time explosion. The Himalayan mountains remain majestic, but the ideals of Maoism that once stood atop them are now fading in the face of young people's daily struggles.

Jung Hojae, Secretary General, Asia Vision Forum