With less than six months remaining until the next presidential election, a massive "unexpected variable" that could potentially shake the entire political landscape is stirring. It is neither the recent fiery allegations of prosecution manipulation between the ruling and opposition parties nor the Daejang-dong scandal. Rather, it is the renewed wave of a "Declaration of the End of War" blowing again at the end of the Moon Jae-in administration's term. Of course, it could still be just a passing breeze or a mild gust. However, judging by the recent weather map, it is increasingly materializing into something akin to a typhoon, making it impossible to ignore.
The beginning was President Moon Jae-in's keynote speech at the United Nations General Assembly on the 21st (local time). In this speech, President Moon emphasized that the Declaration of the End of War is an important starting point for creating a new order of reconciliation and cooperation on the Korean Peninsula, and proposed that "South Korea, North Korea, and the U.S. as three parties, or South Korea, North Korea, the U.S., and China as four parties, come together to jointly declare the end of the war on the Korean Peninsula." However, the North Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs quickly drew a line, calling it "premature." It was expected to pass by just like that. But only seven hours later, Kim Yo-jong, the Deputy Director of the North Korean Workers' Party, responded very differently. She called it an "interesting proposal and a good idea," leaving open the possibility of a Declaration of the End of War.
The next day, Kim Yo-jong went a step further. She mentioned the reestablishment of the inter-Korean joint liaison office, emphasizing that the timing for the Declaration of the End of War should not be missed, and even mentioned the possibility of an inter-Korean summit. The sudden change in North Korea's stance is intriguing, but mentioning an inter-Korean summit suggests a deliberate intention. In response, the Blue House stated that it is carefully and thoroughly reviewing the matter. The U.S. State Department also responded by supporting dialogue and cooperation between the two Koreas. Suddenly, an atmosphere has formed as if something is about to be accomplished.
Coincidentally, the ruling and opposition parties are pouring all their efforts into the presidential election. If South Korea, North Korea, the U.S., and China jointly declare the end of the war around the end of this year, early next year, or in connection with the Beijing Winter Olympics next year, how should the political impact be viewed? Some may belittle it as merely a "declaration-level show," but that is ignorance of reality. It will likely shake the entire presidential election landscape and be recorded as a "historic event" that headlines international news. This is because it symbolizes the "finale" that removes the last barbed wire of the Cold War system established after World War II.
The Declaration of the End of War is the catalyst for a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula. Establishing a permanent peace regime between the two Koreas signifies a fundamental change in the future vision of the Korean Peninsula. Even if the path is long, the dream of driving a car across the Eurasian continent through the peace regime cannot be stopped. Especially for the younger generation, it will approach not as imagination but as reality. This means it should not be dismissed as a simple "declaration." It will not be difficult to predict how the "MZ generation," which values practicality over ideology, will react during the presidential election.
There is an even more important point. The North Korea policy, which President Moon devoted his utmost efforts to early in his term but was frustrated, has finally achieved some success at the end. This will directly translate into support ratings for President Moon's governance and simultaneously form favorable public opinion for the Democratic Party's presidential candidate. There is a high possibility that he will become the first "president without a lame-duck period" in constitutional history. Conversely, from the People Power Party's perspective, it will be so overwhelming that it will be difficult to either support or oppose. This complex background likely explains why Lee Jun-seok, the leader of the People Power Party, went to the U.S. and poured cold water on the proposal for the Declaration of the End of War, calling it premature or demanding the abandonment of the North Korea policy. Nevertheless, the wind does not seem to be dying down. The key question remains whether it will be a mild breeze or a typhoon.
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