Young-gi Cho, Adjunct Professor at the Graduate School of Political Science, Kookmin University · Chairman of the Advanced Unification Research Association, Hanseon Foundation
On the 10th, President Moon Jae-in delivered a 'Special Address to the Nation on the 3rd Anniversary of His Inauguration.' The special address reflected a strong will to open a new chapter in inter-Korean relations. The speech conveyed a message of communication, urging, "Let's not only wait for North Korea-US talks but also find and carry out what can be done between South and North Korea," and included a message of trust-building, stating that "(if South and North Korea) cooperate on quarantine measures, it would be a very practical project." North Korea's response to this goodwill message from the president was, as expected, dismissive. A North Korean propaganda outlet belittled the message's weight, saying, "It is natural to be angry and spit on the hypocrisy of the double-faced behavior filled with sinister intentions to harm our own people while talking about 'improving relations' and 'exchange and cooperation' and then turning away." The message President Moon sent last month on the 2nd anniversary of the April 27 Panmunjom Declaration was also disparaged by North Korea as 'two-faced.' This disparagement by North Korea is partly a consequence of our own actions. Recently, the South Korean military's guard post (GP) was deliberately targeted, yet it was downplayed as 'accidental,' seemingly to appease North Korea's sentiments, and North Korea's disparaging acts against South Korea have intensified. The repeated phenomenon of turning a blind eye to such North Korean behavior is problematic as it also damages the national pride of the people.
The public demands not only an elevated national dignity but also confidence in inter-Korean dialogue and negotiations. However, the Moon Jae-in administration has repeatedly maintained a submissive stance in inter-Korean dialogue and negotiations. It is a natural consequence that the public, having frequently witnessed this situation, raises the level of criticism. This is due to the government's attitude of losing confidence despite having no reason to be intimidated. Of course, it is understandable that the public may not fully grasp the government's concerns as the period of broken dialogue and negotiations lengthens. However, the moment we lose confidence, we inevitably lose the initiative in negotiations.
In common parlance, the basics of dialogue and negotiation are 'mil-dang' (push and pull). Making the other party anxious to bow first, and the fact that the more you cling to the other party, the more your weaknesses are exposed and you end up losing more than you gain, are the basics of mil-dang. Ignoring the existence of the other party is also a strategy. These basics of mil-dang are no exception in inter-Korean relations. However, the government has only shown a tendency to cling to dialogue and negotiations, ignoring these basics of mil-dang. The reality of losing not only achievements but also the initiative is a bigger problem.
Reflection on the past is a stepping stone for the future. The reason inter-Korean dialogue and negotiations have failed to achieve substantial results and have repeatedly failed is the result of ignoring the success conditions of peace theory. Therefore, escaping the illusion of peace theory and establishing the success conditions of peace theory is an urgent task.
The condition for successful negotiations is to break away from the conventional practices of negotiations so far. The practices of negotiations can and should change depending on the positions faced by South and North Korea. Currently, the Moon Jae-in administration is under pressure to open the blocked dialogue channels and show an advanced form of the Korean Peninsula peace process, which is manifesting as impatience in negotiations. In past administrations, impatience to achieve results within 'my five-year term' was the cause of failure, and our impatience historically eased the urgency of the North Korean regime. This is evidence that if we abandon impatience, the urgency North Korea faces in negotiations will inevitably increase, and South Korea-led negotiations will be possible.
Whether the government maintains impatience during the negotiation process is directly linked to the success or failure of the Korean Peninsula peace process. The current impatience will inevitably lead to bad results in the long term. Therefore, now is a critical time for a shift in perspective that views things from a long-term viewpoint. Only then will it be possible to transform the 'fragile peace' on the Korean Peninsula into a 'healthy peace' through the success of the Korean Peninsula peace process, and to transition from the Kim Il-sung nation lacking sovereignty (主權不在) to a free democratic nation with sovereignty residing in the people (主權在民).
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