Lee Jun-seok, the leader of the People Power Party, held a press conference on the 13th at the National Assembly Communication Office in Yeongdeungpo-gu, Seoul, and while expressing his position directly regarding the provisional injunction application related to the party's transition to an emergency committee system, he was seen with reddened eyes. Photo by Kim Hyun-min kimhyun81@
[Asia Economy Reporters Lee Ji-eun and Kwon Hyun-ji] Former People Power Party leader Lee Jun-seok held a press conference at the National Assembly on the 13th, 36 days after being disciplined, openly criticizing by name the so-called Yoon Core Group (key associates of Yoon Seok-yeol).
Despite the disclosure of the 'internal criticism text' sent by President Yoon Seok-yeol to Floor Leader Kwon Seong-dong, who is known as part of the 'Yoon Core Group,' former leader Lee dismissed rumors of discord with President Yoon, saying, "The issues between President Yoon and me largely stem from misunderstandings."
He added, "There have been many cases where the content exchanged between President Yoon and me was leaked externally. Because I was often suspected of leaking information, I don't know how many experiments I conducted over the past year," and said, "In conclusion, there are people who distort and relay a lot of information between the president and me, and there are those who sow discord."
Below is a Q&A with former leader Lee.
- Why did you show tears during the press conference?
= It's all in what I said. Ultimately, the biggest feeling is anger. Anger, as I mentioned earlier, because in just over a month, I was traveling around the provinces meeting party members and quietly spending time writing a book, but they were making noise among themselves, declaring a state of emergency and creating this situation. During that process, when I saw people who were caught taking photos gossiping about me but not expressing anything to me, yet saying it was okay on the president's exclusive plane, I didn't know how far to point out this leadership crisis.
- If the injunction is dismissed, what will your future course of action be?
= If dismissed, it would be unfortunate. I heard that the party even hired a lawyer from Kim & Chang to respond, so I think the party is anticipating a difficult legal battle. As I said earlier, I hope there will be a thorough reflection on why this issue was created. Even if dismissed, nothing will change. Ultimately, the people called the Yoon Core Group lack the ability to manage the party or the country, so they will find another scapegoat and act again. As I mentioned, the Yoon Core Group may expand the scope of scapegoats as the election approaches, possibly even sacrificing those they once supported.
- You mentioned President Yoon several times; does the leadership crisis include the president's leadership crisis?
= I spoke clearly. Usually, any administration expects respect for the president and views politics accordingly. Since the president is directly elected, they always have authority, and often the president's approval rating leads the party's approval rating. However, if from early July the approval rating for national governance is lower than the party's approval rating, it indicates a leadership crisis. This is a clear implication of the data rather than a personal judgment.
- How about the mention of 'XX'?
= I frequently heard that during the election from journalists, and they probably already know. What I can say is that a lawmaker who was actually present told me about it. Regarding that, I was already pained when I heard such stories during the election, but I did my best to put the party first and myself second.
- You referred to the Yoon Core Group and the 'appealer'; why did you disclose this, and what does 'appealer' mean?
= I think there's no difference between the Yoon Core Group and the 'appealer.' It's a matter of who acted more practically. I don't think I revealed any new names. The media has already mentioned the Yoon Core Group and those who want to be part of it.
- When is the party convention next year?
= I originally understood that the party convention should be held in June next year.
= They will probably try to confuse the public by scheduling it at a time when Lee Jun-seok finds it difficult to participate. If so, just hold it quickly.
Lee Jun-seok, the leader of the People Power Party, is wiping away tears while speaking directly about the provisional injunction application related to the party's transition to an emergency response committee system during a press conference held at the National Assembly Communication Office in Yeongdeungpo-gu, Seoul, on the 13th. Photo by Kim Hyun-min kimhyun81@
- Why should the Yoon Core Group step down?
= When I was party leader, I faced organized resistance. After the introduction of PPAT was announced, there was significant resistance, and seeing it implemented, there was even greater resistance from lawmakers. After the PPAT exam, some among the Yoon Core Group 'appealers' tried to nominate proportional representation candidates who did not meet the score, leading to a major dispute.
- Your remarks about President Yoon seemed strong; how will you define your relationship? Is the 'yangduguyuk' dog head referring only to the Yoon Core Group or also including President Yoon?
= Dog meat is a product. I'm not a dog meat seller; dog meat is the way I operate. When I mentioned 'yangduguyuk,' Lee Cheol-gyu criticized me, asking if I was calling him a dog, but Lee Cheol-gyu is not a dog, and dog meat does not correspond to a person.
- How do you define your relationship with President Yoon?
= I said some strong things to Tong today, but I only stated some facts. The presidential office said they never met me, but I told Tong that I had privately advised him. What's wrong with clarifying facts about me? Someone said the president is human; no one said the president is not human. Then the question should be, is only the president human? I will also speak my mind.
- What about your meeting with Interim Committee Chair Joo Ho-young?
= I know Chair Joo is a great person, and I am being respectful. However, even if Chair Joo has something to say to me, I judged that it would be better for both of us not to listen or speak. Chair Joo has no responsibility in this situation. He neither spoke ill of me nor leaked texts. So what would I discuss with Chair Joo? At least I hope no one in our party pushes Chair Joo forward forcibly.
- If you continue expressing yourself like this, won't conflicts continue and party approval ratings decline?
= I hope people avoid false equivalence. Clearly, this incident was caused by the Yoon Core Group, and I was traveling to meet party members. It's not right to turn this into a mutual controversy just because I spoke my mind. It's a really despicable logic, but if any of the Yoon Core Group had family treated like this, they wouldn't have said 'party first, then personal matters.'
- You said the Yoon Core Group will increase scapegoats; does that include the president?
= The word 'Samsung Gano' comes to mind, but I won't interpret further.
- You are indirectly referring to the president's mood; do you intend to explain directly to the president?
= Rather than the clich? expression of hoping for the success of the Yoon administration, I want South Korea to do well. In that sense, the younger generation's perception differs somewhat from the older generation. If Kim Jong-in and Lee Jun-seok had not disrupted the campaign headquarters in November and January, would the Yoon administration have been born? Those who saw the chaos and confusion then would think that without the political battles risking their careers, the Yoon administration wouldn't have started. That is the younger generation's perspective. Those who just see it as tantrums or think everything will be fine if it's quiet are probably the ones who claim that Lee Jun-seok caused the narrow vote margin, likely people who watch a lot of YouTube. What I want to ask is whether South Korea will succeed if the Yoon administration continues as is, or if it will do better by cutting out the Yoon Core Group, making a thorough personnel overhaul, and fulfilling all the pledges made during the election. It's very clear that Lee Jun-seok staying silent in a mountain temple is not good. Even during the last election, when I was traveling around provinces, campaign officials said this and that, telling me to come up with election measures instead of Lee Jun-seok measures. The strange thing is that at that time, they told me to step away from the election, and when I did, they went looking for Lee Jun-seok. It's the same now. If they push through unreasonable moves and achieve some results, they should prove their ability.
= If they expel Lee Jun-seok, will approval ratings rise? They won't. What now? Will approval ratings rise if they investigate Lee Jae-myung? Go ahead. What else can they do? Except for what must be done, trying other things won't bring change. The public watching knows everything. Whether Lee Jun-seok disappearing is important for South Korea or whether removing problematic figures is more important. Everything will come out.
Lee Jun-seok, leader of the People Power Party, held a press conference on the 13th at the National Assembly Communication Office in Yeongdeungpo-gu, Seoul, and is answering questions from the press regarding the provisional injunction application related to the party's transition to an emergency response committee system. Photo by Kim Hyun-min kimhyun81@
- The transition to the interim committee has been formalized. The problem from the start was the Yoon Core Group; with Kwon Seong-dong's resignation, should the responsibility of the Yoon Core Group be raised?
= I think whatever choice Kwon Seong-dong makes is his personal responsibility. At least, I thought it was illogical and could ridicule the party to say he would remain floor leader but resign as acting party leader. That should have been clarified. After defining the party situation as an accident, about three weeks later, Kwon Seong-dong himself led a meeting to declare a state of emergency, which will need logical explanation someday. Many remember that the only notable event in those three weeks was the Telegram leak. I still don't understand why the situation shifted from an accident to an emergency after the Telegram leak.
- You mentioned reform; does that include the Yoon Core Group, the 'appealers,' and the presidential office?
= I don't say the Yoon Core Group and their 'appealers' should not run again, but at least they should leave their strongholds and come to the metropolitan area. They should come to the metropolitan area to see how they are evaluated and understand the concerns of metropolitan residents. They should not only talk with people from Busan in Busan but also meet Busan residents living in Seoul, Gwangju, Daegu, Jeonju, and meet people in Cheongju and Chungju to fully capture their thoughts. Only then can they truly be the Yoon Core Group. Right now, they only listen to one side and speak only their own words, which is not suitable for key national figures.
= Regarding the presidential office, I will speak if I have the opportunity, but the reason I spoke somewhat indirectly about the president's evaluation earlier is that I think the issues between President Yoon and me largely stem from misunderstandings. By misunderstandings, I mean that those who relay and transmit messages acted with selfish motives, causing the situation. There were many cases where content exchanged between the president and me was leaked externally. For example, only the presidential office and Park Seong-min, who was my secretary-general, knew about my trip to Ukraine, but a few days before my departure, a YouTube channel went wild saying I was banned from leaving the country. Whether this was a coincidence or evidence of a leak of important state information, I leave it to the public's imagination.
= Because of so many leaks and suspicions that I was the source, I don't know how many experiments I conducted over the past year. Sometimes I even deceived my secretaries to conduct such experiments. The closest experiment was when President Yoon was going to NATO; I thought about going to welcome him upon his return. To prevent this from leaking, I asked a presidential office official at 9 a.m. that day to restrict access to Seoul Airport. I didn't inform my secretary and went directly to Seongnam Airport. No one was supposed to know. Yet, I received a reporter's call in the taxi. Where did this information leak from? As you know, all conflicts starting from the past year's exclusion and party entry began with misunderstandings that I leaked information.
= At that time, I didn't control variables, so I couldn't speak with certainty. Over the past year, I repeatedly saw such incidents and conducted many experiments, concluding that there are people who distort and relay information between the president and me and sow discord. Therefore, I perceive the gap as a misunderstanding to some extent, but the Telegram leak was a somewhat unusual experience for me.
- What is your political belief?
= I want many citizens to enjoy freedom politically and socially. Included in freedom is the atmosphere to freely express what one wants to say and the basic rights not to be penalized for that. The public may wonder whether our party's lawmakers enjoy such freedom or desire it. I feel that our party has not reached a liberal and open party. Earlier, I said our party must shed fascist behaviors; perhaps the world I hope for is a party free from such behaviors. Our party still has many contradictions. One side talks about freedom, while another talks about Park Chung-hee's planned economy policies, a global symbol of planned economy. One side talks about the safety, freedom, and human rights of those sent back to North Korea, while another uses terms like 'party first, then personal matters,' a phrase used only in North Korea. It was appropriate in Jeong Dong-young's case, but I don't know why we should adopt that phrase now.
- What does it mean that the Telegram leak was an unusual experience?
= I never received a 'cherry thumbs-up' from the president. Not even once. The image of the president that I and many citizens imagined when voting probably did not overlap with reality. So, I thought all the president's statements during doorstepping were truthful and that he showed restraint amid party chaos. But even if the Telegram messages were private, I realized there were different thoughts behind them.
Lee Jun-seok, leader of the People Power Party, held a press conference on the 13th at the National Assembly Communication Office in Yeongdeungpo-gu, Seoul, and is answering questions from reporters regarding the provisional injunction application related to the party's transition to an emergency response committee system. Photo by Kim Hyun-min kimhyun81@
- How will you respond to the injunction and police investigation, especially with police personnel changes?
= I heard that the Anti-Corruption Investigation Unit of the Seoul Metropolitan Police Agency, which was supposed to investigate me, has had personnel changes. I also heard that Chief Kim Kwang-ho of the Seoul Police Agency specifically mentioned my case, including raids, and that there were complaints about insufficient active investigation. Previously, Chief Kim Kwang-ho told me out of the blue during a meeting that they were also looking into bribery charges. But I have never received a salary from the state, so I don't know what they expect to investigate. Therefore, I do not fear the police investigation. However, many citizens might find political implications in the tense relations arising from the establishment of the police bureau and the slow progress of my investigation. I hope they do not.
- If President Yoon suggests meeting, would you be willing? Or would you propose clearing misunderstandings first?
=(Laughs) There's no reason to answer. Moreover, I have no reason to meet the president. There's no reason to meet or to resolve anything. The presidential office asked me not to misunderstand the Telegram messages, and I understood that precisely. I told them I misunderstood, so don't misunderstand. I clearly know the intentions and thoughts of the presidential office, so I have no intention to discuss trivial matters further. I will freely offer suggestions as a citizen through any channel, but whether they accept them is up to the president. Responsibility lies entirely with the presidential office and the president. Where there is authority, there is responsibility, and after the Telegram messages, there is no loss of authority or responsibility.
- Can we say you said everything you wanted to say to President Yoon and the Yoon Core Group today?
= Why would I write a book otherwise?
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